Tuesday, October 30, 2012





Iran: No ‘loose cannon’ in Jerusalem 

By CHUCK FREILICH  10-30-12

   
Netanyahu clearly hopes that heightened int'l pressure will lead Iran to go slow and further postpone, hopefully forgo, the final push to a bomb.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s “red lines speech” at the UN removed the immediate sense of urgency surrounding the possibility of Israeli military action against Iran, while concomitantly putting the international community on notice that the moment of truth may arrive between late spring and the summer. Netanyahu clearly hopes that heightened international pressure will lead Iran to go slow and further postpone, hopefully forgo, the final push to a bomb, but presumes that reality will probably be different.

A vehement debate is underway among defense officials in Israel regarding a potential military strike and a number of former and even current senior officials have come out strongly against one, at least “at this time,” with some even criticizing Netanyahu severely. Crucially, however, the criticism has focused on the appropriate course of action, not the decision-making process itself, and while the unprecedented public nature of the debate has been unseemly, it reflects the strength of a democracy grappling with one of the most momentous decisions in its history. It would be truly worrisome were it otherwise.

The entire Israeli national security establishment, at all levels, has been deeply engaged on this issue since the early ‘90s. Indeed, it is hard to think of any other issue in Israel in recent decades that has been the subject of such extensive and careful attention. Regardless of what one thinks of the ultimate decision, it will not be for lack of painstaking consideration of the options.

In Israel’s system of government either the cabinet plenum or the Ministerial Committee on Defense (MCoD) must give formal approval for a military strike. Both are large, unwieldy, highly politicized and leak-prone and so the real decision making on this issue has been conducted in the informal “Forum of Nine” senior ministers that Netanyahu has convened and in the small informal consultations he holds with a handful of trusted ministers and senior defense officials (a similar process can be expected after the elections as well, regardless of who wins).

Positions formulated in these non-binding forums ultimately must be presented for formal approval by one of the statutory forums, in all likelihood the MCoD. Unanimous support is not required, but Netanyahu, or any premier, would presumably be loath to adopt such a momentous decision with less than broad consensus.

All indications are that Netanyahu has already mustered a small majority in favor and his widely anticipated victory in the upcoming elections will further strengthen his position. Given the severity of the threat, there are few partisan differences on this issue between the different parties and Netanyahu can expect broad public, Knesset and cabinet support, if and when the time comes.

For Israel, a nuclear Iran presents a potentially existential threat, or at a minimum a dire one, that any Israeli leader would go to great lengths to prevent. If ever there was a case of a “lonely” premier and defense minister bearing an almost devastating burden, this is it.

Netanyahu and Barak, or their potential successors, will be excoriated whatever they decide, reviled for having failed to prevent a renewed threat to the Jewish people if they refrain from action, vilified as reckless and irresponsible if they do act.

One thing is clear. Israel has been preparing for this moment for the past two decades and while people may legitimately disagree over its final decision, to attack or not, the decision-making process has been exhaustive and all possible avenues have been explored. There are no “loose cannon” in Jerusalem and if Israel does ultimately act this will only be after all other options have been explored and Israel truly believes that we have to come down to the wire.

The writer, a former deputy national security adviser in Israel, is a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School and the author of Zion’s Dilemmas: How Israel Makes National Security Policy.

Monday, October 29, 2012




Sorry, folks: Benjamin Netanyahu is not the reason there is no Middle East peace.
BY AARON DAVID MILLER | SEPTEMBER 25, 2012

It's been a bad month for Benjamin Netanyahu.

The Israeli prime minister has been hammered for being trigger-happy on Iran, he won't see his good friend Barack Obama at the opening of the U.N. General Assembly, and he's being blasted for intervening in American politics.
It's not the first time that the world has united in blaming Bibi for the Middle East's ills. As FP's own Josh Rogin reported, this time last year former President Bill Clinton was holding forth on why we don't have a peace process, and his view boils down to this: There's this guy Netanyahu -- he's a jerk and is unwilling to accept the terms I offered at Camp David as the basis for a settlement with the Palestinians. In a stunning assertion, Clinton said: "[Palestinian leaders] have explicitly said on more than one occasion that if [Netanyahu] put up the deal that was offered to them before -- my deal -- that they would take it."
I really like Bill Clinton. I used to work for the guy. But let's be clear. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert offered Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas a much better deal than Clinton offered Yasir Arafat. The Palestinians didn't accept it.
I'm aware of all the reasons many rational and right-thinking people want to pin the rap for the current impasse with the Palestinians and the bad U.S.-Israeli relationship on Bibi. And the Israeli prime minister certainly deserves a large share of the blame.
Bibi is no pushover. We dealt with him during the Clinton years and -- to use a Bush 41 phrase -- he was a tough trader. My views on what Israel should or shouldn't do on the Palestinian issue are different than his.
Still, I like Bibi all the same. He's a smart guy in a tough spot, and though he unceasingly seems to make his own situation worse, he doesn't have many easy choices. These days, no Israeli leader does.
Then there's the inconvenient fact that Netanyahu is (once again) the duly elected prime minister of Israel. Given Israel's peculiar parliamentary system, there's a reason why only he was in a position to put together a workable coalition. This fact generates a certain legitimacy of its own, which American leaders are obliged to respect.
Still, is Clinton right?  Is Bibi the key reason we aren't on the verge of a conflict-ending accord between Israel and the Palestinians?
There's no denying that Netanyahu is more intransigent on some key questions than other Israeli politicians. Bibi is expanding settlements in the West Bank, won't share Jerusalem, and is adamantly against any compromise on the "right of return" for Palestinian refugees. If Ehud Barak, Shaul Mofaz, or Ehud Olmert were in charge and had a supportive coalition, the situation would clearly improve.

But what are the current chances of reaching a conflict-ending agreement under those guys, or for that matter any Israeli prime minister? As the late Yitzhak Rabin, himself a two-time Israeli prime minister, used to say when faced with a scenario he thought unrealistic, "You can forget about it." The peace process is temporarily closed for the season, and not just because of Netanyahu. What follows isn't a brief for Bibi -- it's a brief for reality.
Palestinians
The peace process has always required two hands -- sometimes three -- clapping. And while there is a Palestinian partner (maybe even two with Fatah and Hamas), like the Israelis, the Palestinians are a very complex lot.
The Palestinian national movement today is in profound crisis. As I've written before, it's like Noah's Ark -- there are two of everything: prime ministers, security services, constitutions, foreign patrons, geographic polities, and visions of where and what Palestine is. And these divisions aren't going away. If anything, they're hardening.
Want to blame Palestinian dysfunction on the Israeli occupation? Go ahead, if it makes you feel better. But it won't change the harsh reality that without Palestinian unity that produces one authority and one negotiating position, there won't be a serious dialogue, let alone a Palestinian state.
And Palestinians themselves have to face the inconvenient truth that a state's viability lies in its capacity to maintain a monopoly over violence in its own society. Without it, frankly, no state can maintain the respect of its neighbors or its own citizens. Are we going to blaming Fatah' s dysfunction and Hamas's viability on Bibi too?
Gaps
If I hear one more time that we're "this close" to an agreement, I'm going to toss my lunch. Even if we were, it's the political will that's missing -- not the clever diplomatic formulae. And we're not even close in any case. On Jerusalem, refugees, security, and even the borders of the prospective Palestinian state, there are wide differences between Israel and the Palestinians -- and within the Israeli and Palestinian camps, too. This silly notion that everyone knows generally what the solution will be -- and that therefore getting there should be easy -- only trivializes how hard it's going to be to reach a conflict-ending accord. Details matter.
The Arabs
I can only chuckle now when I recall those who made the argument that the so-called Arab Spring would make it easier to deal with Arab-Israeli peace. Some said that now that the Arabs were democratizing, Israel would want to reach out. Others used the reverse argument: Now that Arab populism had gotten rid of the acquiescent, pro-American autocrats, Israel would have no choice but to settle up before the Palestinian problem radicalized the whole region.

Forget the demonizing or the idealizing. What the Arab Spring wrought above all was uncertainty, and a new populism that brought with it anti-Israel and anti-American tropes. Instead of making Israel more willing to deal -- or so fearful that it had no choice but to settle -- changes in the Arab world produced neither sufficient incentives nor disincentives to compel a shift in the status quo. Instead of bold moves, the watch word was risk-aversion, not risk readiness.
Iran
You heard it here first. There will be no Israeli-Palestinian deal until there's much more clarity on the issue of Iran's nuclear program. Regardless of whether Mitt Romney or Barack Obama is America's next president, Iran will be the dominant issue over the next year. These are the issues that strategists across the globe will be occupied with: Will there be a military strike by Israel or the United States? Can high-level U.S.-Iranian diplomacy put together a grand bargain? Or will we see more of the same -- the continuation of sanctions and the perpetuation of a cold war between Iran and the West?
In any event, there will be very little room or incentive for serious moves toward Israeli-Palestinian peace, particularly on the Israeli side. Indeed, Israel has so teed up the urgency of dealing with Iran in 2012 that it's almost unimaginable 2013 won't bring some decision point. If it's military action, the chances of any peace process in the face of the subsequent regional turmoil would be slim. Indeed, in many respects, there's no greater drag on the peace process right now than the focus on Iran's nuclear program.
Face the Facts
Netanyahu not only shapes Middle East politics, he is also a product of his political surroundings. To regard him -- and much of the country he leads -- as solipsistic entities that exist in a vacuum independent of other factors, some of which are beyond Israel's control, is ridiculous.
The Palestinian house is a mess not just because of Israel -- the differences between Hamas and Fatah are real and durable. Neither Barak nor Olmert could reach an agreement, either. As for the Israeli people, it's not unreasonable to assume their current conservative attitude and interest in peace is shaped by their own assessment of how their neighbors are behaving. And that's not an altogether rosy picture, to say the least.
We can choose to pretend that the main obstacle standing in the way of Israeli-Palestinian peace is Bibi. That explanation suits our need to personalize problems, find easily digestible answers, and turn the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a morality play that pits the forces of right against wrong. But it's also fundamentally incorrect: Netanyahu may not be the Israeli leader capable of leading his country to a conflict-ending agreement with the Palestinians, but he's not the single most important or only reason we don't have one.
I'm actually surprised that a guy as smart as Clinton -- who knows the world's a complex place -- feels that way. But then again, maybe not. At Camp David in July 2000, Clinton blamed Arafat for not accepting his peace plan. Now, he's blaming Netanyahu and the Israeli public for the same thing. Clinton is right to be concerned that there's no serious peace process. But let's at least be honest about why we don't have one.


Presidential Politics, Jewish Voters and the Capacity for Partisan Self-Deception

By Matthew M. Hausman 10-29-12
As the presidential election draws near, it seems appropriate to assess whether Jewish political priorities have evolved since the Democratic National Convention, where controversy erupted over the removal of pro-Israel language from the party platform. The response of Jewish Democrats at the time illustrated the capacity for partisan self-deception. Deleted from the platform was language acknowledging Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, identifying Hamas as a terrorist organization, guaranteeing that Israel would not be expected to withdraw to pre-1967 armistice lines known as the “Auschwitz borders,” and assuring the United States would never pressure Israel to accept an Arab right of return that would bring about her demographic destruction. After three oral votes from the floor – video of which clearly showed booing and catcalling at the mention of Israel – the plank supporting Jerusalem was reinserted despite the conventioneers’ raucous disapproval. The other redacted passages, however, were cast to the winds.

President Obama’s spinmeisters quickly went to work, claiming the reinstated language regarding Jerusalem actually reflected his true beliefs, despite nearly four years of contrary pronouncements, policies and actions by his administration. (Interestingly, his apologists said nothing about the other missing passages, which prior to deletion had reflected the close relationship between the U.S. and Israel.) While it is true that Mr. Obama proclaimed his supposed commitment to an undivided Jerusalem when pandering to AIPAC in 2008, his spokesmen backed off that statement within twenty-four hours, displaying a cynical pattern that has characterized his comments on Israel ever since. His Jewish supporters should have become suspicious at the time, but they voted for him anyway. As of today, the White House still refuses to acknowledge that Jerusalem is the capital – regardless of what the platform says.
Once in office Mr. Obama began a steady campaign to “put daylight between the U.S. and Israel.” He began referring to Jewish neighborhoods in North Jerusalem and elsewhere as settlements, demanding Israeli construction freezes that were not contemplated by Oslo, and calling on Israel to institute apartheid-like measures to curb Jewish population growth in her capital, a city in which Arabs never constituted a majority. He refuses to criticize illegal Arab construction, although it is rampant throughout Jerusalem and elsewhere, and he routinely blames Israeli “settlements” for impeding peace. Conversely, he has never once condemned the doctrinal Arab-Muslim rejectionism and Jew-hatred that existed for generations before Judea and Samaria were liberated from Jordan in 1967, and which precipitated three wars of attempted extermination against Israel and her people.
These are not the actions of a president who recognizes an undivided Jerusalem as Israel’s sovereign capital or respects Israeli national integrity. However, assuming for argument’s sake that Mr. Obama never authorized the removal of platform language regarding Jerusalem and that he really does recognize its status as Israel’s capital, then he would seem to have no control over his own party. It stretches credulity to think that a president does not have ultimate authority over the contents of the platform setting forth his party’s guiding principles at the convention endorsing his candidacy for reelection. It just does not happen. The only possible explanations for purging the Democratic Party platform of pro-Israel language are that Obama has no respect for the Jewish State, or that he is a weak leader who has no control over his party. Neither explanation instills confidence in those concerned for Israel’s welfare, or indeed any Americans who desire strong, honest and uncompromising leadership.
In light of the president’s openly hostile treatment of Israel over the last four years, there can be little doubt that the platform revisions reflected his real beliefs. His hostility is apparent in his uncritical embrace of the Palestinian national myth, his attempts to minimize Jewish historical claims and foster realignment with the Arab-Muslim world, his denial of the religious basis for Muslim terrorism, and his validation of Islamist organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood as moderate. If he were truly concerned for Israel’s security, he would not have refused to meet Bibi Netanyahu to discuss the Iranian threat when the prime minister was in the United States for the U.N. General Assembly. If Mr. Obama really “has Israel’s back” as he often says, he would have instructed the American delegation to join Canada and Israel in walking out of the General Assembly when Mahmoud Ahmadinejad referred to Israel as a “fake regime” propped up by the U.S. The failure to do so was glaring.
Furthermore, if the president had any regard for the existential threat posed by a nuclear Iran, he would not have publicly dismissed Mr. Netanyahu’s comments on the subject as “noise.” In deriding the Prime Minister thus, Mr. Obama flippantly disregarded legitimate Israeli fears and attempted to obscure the role of his “policy of engagement” in enabling Iran to advance its nuclear program. Despite Joe Biden’s creative explanation during the Vice Presidential debate that Iran is actually a long way off from having usable nuclear weapons, the International Atomic Energy Agency (“IAEA”) has stated otherwise. In its recent report in August, the IAEA noted that Mr. Obama’s sanctions have not worked and that Iran is close to nuclear capability. The Iranians’ recent offer of direct negotiations with the U.S. promises only more of the same; that is, hollow dissimulation intended to obfuscate.
That Jewish Democrats continue to support a president who has been so antagonistic toward Israel and so openly contemptuous of her leaders begs the question of whether their sensibilities reflect sincere political conviction or social pathology. It’s one thing for acculturated Jews to say they do not consider Israel an electoral issue, and quite another to ignore Mr. Obama’s track record and claim – against overwhelming evidence to the contrary – that he is a great friend of the Jewish State. The former position, sad though it may be, is at least an honest one, while the latter is simply delusional.
For mainstream liberals, the refusal to admit Obama’s antipathy for Israel may be a function of their partisan desire to obscure unpleasant facts that make their candidate look bad. For those on the Jewish left, however, it may arise from a pathological rejection of Jewish identity.
There are many on the left who spurn Jewish religion and nationality, and who feel compelled to discount the Jews’ ancient lineage, continuous presence in their land since antiquity, and tenacious allegiance to tradition. Jewish rejectionists uncritically promote the revisionist Palestinian narrative and laud Islamist groups committed to jihad, genocide and the destruction of Israel. From academics like Noam Chomsky to organizations like J Street and the New Israel Fund, the Jewish left espouses a worldview in which Israel and her supporters are always wrong or misguided. When acknowledged at all, antisemitism is seen as a reaction to Jewish provocations; and Israel is frequently labeled an apartheid state, though she has no laws or policies creating such a discriminatory system and although her Arab citizens have full political rights.
In contrast, the left refuses to condemn Arab-Muslim antisemitism or criticize Sharia states in which religious and ethnic minorities are subjected to Nazi-like harassment, persecution and genocide. Radical ideologues use historical revisionism to deny the Jews’ unbroken connection to their ancestral homeland in Israel and to belittle their history as an ancient people that has produced all the indicia of nationhood – including, language, culture, literature and social institutions. Instead, they tout the authenticity of a dubious Palestinian nationality that has produced none of the touchstones of nationhood and is composed of people who have no historical ties to the land.
Jewish leftists are often as extreme in their contempt as traditional Christian and Muslim antisemites. The only difference is that Jewish self-haters are driven by the inner compulsion to reject a heritage they believe conflicts with their worldview, and which potentially sets them apart from non-Jews of the same political bent. Since the liberal intellectual revolution of the nineteenth century, the left has disparaged nationalism and religion as societal evils. Thus, in resisting assimilation and retaining their national character and religious identity throughout their exile, the Jews represented everything the left sought to reject. Nobody hated the Jews more vehemently than those who resented the stain of their own ancestry. But if Jewish self-rejection were really based on a philosophical aversion to religion and nationality, leftists would not be able justify their knee-jerk support for political Islam, which is inherently inconsistent with secular, egalitarian and liberal principles. This incongruity suggests that left-wing antipathy for Jewish continuity has nothing to do with its supposed incompatibility with liberal ideals. It is more likely caused by self-loathing borne of the desire to assimilate.
Dubbed the “Jew Flu,” Jewish self-hatred has been described by some as a personality disorder similar to Stockholm Syndrome, wherein persecuted people adopt the views and prejudices of their oppressors. The phenomenon has been around for centuries, afflicting, among others: Hellenistic Jews who aided the Greeks in suppressing the teaching of Torah during Second Temple times; apostates who assisted the Dominicans in burning the Talmud in the Middle Ages; socialists and communists who sought to force assimilation by suppressing Judaism during the revolutions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; kapos who brutalized fellow Jews in the death camps during the Second World War; and radical ideologues who defame Israel, deny her right to exist, and support Arab-Muslim extremists in our day.
Though not exclusively limited to the left or right, Jewish self-hatred is more conspicuous among leftists who counterintuitively support Islamist groups that seek to destroy Israel and exterminate her people. It is not simply a form of passive dissociation from kith and kin, but rather an affirmative act of provocation with malice aforethought. The left has always been a haven for self-denying Jews, as was demonstrated in years past by some of the most revered personalities of Jewish radical society, such as the Bolshevik Rosa Luxemburg, who famously stated: “I have no room in my heart for Jewish suffering – Why do you pester me with Jewish troubles”
Such calumnies have been magnified in recent years by leftist Jews who without proof or justification accuse Israel of the most heinous crimes and uncritically support the Palestinian cause, which itself is inherently antisemitic. It seems this problem has always plagued the left, as was recognized by the labor Zionist leader Berl Katznelson, who in lamenting the prevalence of Jewish self-hatred, rhetorically asked: “Is there another People on Earth so emotionally twisted that they consider everything their nation does despicable and hateful, while every murder, rape, robbery committed by their enemies fill[s] their hearts with admiration and awe”
Certainly, most moderate liberals probably don’t suffer from “Jew Flu,” and not all who support Obama are self-haters. However, there is an intellectual disconnect in the way they interpret his treatment of Israel. They take his platitudes of support at face value, but refuse to analyze actual policies that have harmed Israel’s interests, compromised her security, and facilitated the rise of Islamists in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. They fail to see the connection between his condemnation of Israeli “settlements” as barriers to peace and his failure to criticize the Palestinians’ refusal to recognize a Jewish state or amend their charter calling for Israel’s destruction. The inability of Jewish liberals to disavow a president who derides Israel and enables Islamist dictatorships stems from their presumption that progressive ideals are synonymous with Jewish values and, therefore, that they must continue to support Mr. Obama simply because he is liberal.
This perception, however, ignores the disparity between traditional Judaism and some central tenets of the liberal canon. Although Jews can certainly support whatever political causes their consciences dictate, they cannot claim that Jewish tradition requires them to endorse programs that conflict with Jewish law. Regarding positions implicating marriage, sexual relationships, and personal status, for example, traditional Judaism is not very liberal at all, although Jews as political beings are free to support any causes they please. Thus, despite claims that progressive ideals are entirely consistent with Jewish values, certain elements of the liberal agenda conflict with the corpus of Jewish law from which these values arise.
An entire political agenda – whether liberal, conservative or libertarian – is not rendered compatible with Jewish tradition simply because some Jews support it. That would be the same as saying that violations of Halacha are consistent with tradition because many Jews commit those violations or support others who do. Protecting the right to eat non-kosher food, for example, is not a Jewish value simply because many secular Jews don’t observe the dietary laws. Pork is still treyfe (nonkosher) regardless of how many Jews may eat it. Likewise, one cannot say that a political program represents Jewish values solely because secular Jews support it. Jews as individuals can support or oppose any of the hot-button issues upon which liberals and conservatives disagree, including gun control, same-sex marriage or abortion rights; but they cannot claim the imprimatur of tradition where Jewish law conflicts with those issues or takes no position on them.
Mainstream and moderate liberals may not harbor “Jew Flu,” but their political agenda has been tainted by a Jewish left that does, particularly with regard to Israel and Mideast policy. The imbroglio over deletions in the convention platform shows how the Democratic Party’s principles have been infected by the left’s disdain for the Jewish state. The debacle at the convention offered disquieting evidence that the anti-Israel left controls party policy, and that the antisemitism (yes, antisemitism) displayed on the convention floor is no longer considered a political liability. Certainly, not all Democrats hate Israel; but this year’s convention made clear that moderates have failed to confront the extremism that has taken hold of their party and which seems to dictate its foreign policy agenda.
Partisans on the campaign trail conveniently ignore their party’s increasingly anti-Israel bias while they accuse Mitt Romney and the Republicans of catering to extremists. However, their rhetoric concerning Romney’s supposed extremism rings hollow, particularly as they overlook the sorry record of a Democratic president who disparages Israel, denies the connection between Islamist doctrine and terrorism, and promotes the Muslim Brotherhood as moderate despite its stated goals of jihad and genocide. Though Democrats are fond of proclaiming that their party is more pro-Israel than the Republicans, Congressional voting patterns show that Republicans actually have a stronger record of support for the Jewish State.
Most Jewish Democrats would bristle at the suggestion that self-hatred has influenced their party’s policies regarding Israel and the Mideast. It seems, however, that they simply cannot admit that a problem even exists, perhaps because they prefer to be identified as liberals and Democrats first and Jews second – if at all. Though they incessantly promote their agenda as the embodiment of Jewish values, the divergence between central elements of that agenda and normative Judaism exposes the fallacy of any claims of moral symmetry.
Those who persist in equating Jewish values with their party’s agenda are similar to assimilationist Jews of prior generations who threw themselves into secular political movements and tempered their Jewishness to facilitate their acceptance into Gentile society.
However, if Jewish Democrats are genuinely concerned for Israel, they would do well to recognize that supporting her requires no validation from an external political agenda. They must also realize that the purging of pro-Israel language from their party platform constitutes an assault on Jewish historical claims and, therefore, is inconsistent with Jewish values.
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The author can be contacted directly by email at mmhausman@gmail.com

Sunday, October 28, 2012



Why Economic Development as a Panacea for Middle East Problems is a Myth
Published: October 28th, 2012

A reader asks:

“I agree that democracy and economic development are not panaceas for the Middle East, just as they are not for any other location on the planet.  But aren't they a start?  And since it is possible to chew gum and walk at the same time, does it hurt to at least pay lip service to doing things to bring the rest of the Middle East into the 21st century? And what would those things be in your opinion?”

As you noted, both candidates in the presidential election spoke of economic development as a top priority in their Middle East policy. This sounds good to voters but is pretty meaningless.
A typical example of this meme is given by Obama in his June 4, 2009 Cairo speech:



We...know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.  That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.

 But almost four years later none of these massive expenditures have either changed the situation in those countries or even brought much benefit to their people.


A Western viewer might accept Obama’s claim that people just want good jobs, nice housing, and higher living standards for themselves and their children. Yet the appeals of radical ideology overcome material considerations. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini dismissively referred to this theory shortly after he took power in Iran by remarking that the West seemed to think the Iranian Islamist revolution was about the price of watermelons but that wasn't true of all.It does make sense to the Western mind that material conditions will determine the political beliefs and loyalties of Arabs and Iranians. Yet over the span of the last century things have simply not turned out that way in practice. This was partly due to the fact that nobody  delivered major increases in living standards except in the Gulf Arab states like Saudi Arabia and in those places it was a highly traditional and religious way of life being reinforced.Elsewhere governments mustered loyalty not by making the pie bigger but by controlling who got what. So if you had the option material well-being for the urban middle class and certain ethnic segments meant supporting the dictatorship and getting some reward. That will also apply if the dictatorship is an Islamist one, which can offer spiritual exaltation as well. And at least for some years many voters--where people have the opportunity to choose--will believe that Islamism is the best chance for a stable, just, and relatively prosperous society.

There are lots of people who would like their children to grow up to be suicide bombers or prefer piety to prosperity. Even though many don’t think that way, they might be persuaded that radicalism is the best route to better lives. And finally, when people and rulers see no real way to achieve prosperity, both the governments and the masses will turn to demagoguery, scapegoating, and foreign adventures.

Countries are not prepared for progress due to ideology, worldview, institutions, political culture, and many other factors. In particular, the presence of such large and powerful radical forces—willing, even eager, to use violence—is a huge problem. Demagoguery is potent. Such factors can override the kind of materialistic orientation and enlightened self-interest that Westerners expect and that underpin the belief that democracy can provide stable polities and ensure moderation.

It should be stressed that every country is different. In general, though, the problem with economic development is that it does not trump politics. The countries of the region can be divided into those that have oil wealth and those that don’t. The wealthy countries don’t need American programs to engage in economic development. In some cases, radicalism and instability keep getting in the way. In others—think of Iran or Iraq under Saddam--economic development is managed within the framework of an extremist regime and ideology.

It is true that the wealth of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates have made them more cautious and—often in practice but not in rhetoric or domestic policy—more pragmatic. But one must be cautious here. Saudi Arabia’s wealth and the high living standards of many citizens has not made the country a paragon of democratic values at home and moderation abroad.

Saudi money has been used to spread Islamism and back radical Islamists, most notably in contemporary Syria and in Iraq a few years ago. Qatar has aligned itself with Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood, engaging in mischief as far afield as Libya. Iraq and Algeria need stability but the problem is not economic development as such but merely pumping more oil and doing something about bureaucracy and corruption.

Certainly, though, these countries do not need Western governments to promote economic development.

Radical regimes, like Libya under Muammar al-Qadhafi, Iraq under Saddam Hussein, or Islamist Iran use some of their wealth for development and much of it for projects like building nuclear weapons and subverting their neighbors.

So regarding the wealthy countries there isn’t much for the West to do in promoting economic development. What about the non-oil states? Let’s look at the specific cases. Lebanon, famous for its merchants, had a self-made multi-millionaire as prime minister who focused on economic development. But he was forced out and assassinated. Internal conflict, ideology, and engagement in foreign adventures wrecked the chance for economic development.

The same applies even more to the Hamas regime in the Gaza Strip, which is more interested in fighting Israel than in raising living standards. How can the West help when the local impetus is lacking?

This brings us to Egypt. The truth is that Egypt has a lot of people but few resources and a terrible structural and cultural situation regarding work. Here’s one example. A leading British supermarket chain opened stores in Egypt. Traditionalists, radicals, and competitors (the owners of small stores) spread rumors that the supermarket company backed Israel and was anti-Muslim. Despite the store’s efforts at denial and appeasement, the pressure became so great that it had to close and leave the country.

In a Muslim Brotherhood ruled Egypt, with Salafists engaging in anarchic violence, is U.S.-backed economic development going to make any differences. As for the Palestinian Authority, vast amounts of aid money have flowed in and despite some apparent successes—a lot of luxury apartments have been built and people kept employed in the government bureaucracy—no lasting progress has been made. A lot of the money has ended up in the political leaders’ foreign bank accounts. At any time, Hamas could take over or the Fatah-led regime turn back to a war against Israel.

Economic development sounds good but in practice it is more a way to keep Western citizens happy than to make a real difference in the Middle East. For example, when discussing his economic development policy in the foreign policy presidential debate, Obama cited his government’s “organizing entrepreneurship conferences.” And in reality a lot of the money is simply a pay-off to local regimes or a way to shore them up. It has nothing to do with real development.

The story of the battle of factions and corrupt leaders in the Palestinian Authority over awarding a mobile phone contract; how EU-financed public housing turned into luxury apartments to reward regime supporters; or the sabotage against building an improved sewer system in the Gaza Strip—even though foreign aid was paying for the whole project—are wonderful case studies in how economic development campaigns that look good in the West amount to a joke on the ground.

There are, however, three countries that could benefit from economic development efforts if they were to be focused. Those are Tunisia, Morocco, and Jordan. Tunisia, of course, is currently ruled by an Islamist-dominated regime. Whether that government will remain cautious or turn increasingly radical—pressed on by rampaging Salafists—is not clear. Strengthening the moderate forces in Tunisia, which are more proportionately substantial than in any other Arabic-speaking country, is a worthwhile effort but it might not work.

Ironically, Morocco and Jordan are led by moderate regimes threatened by a public opinion that is often radicalized due to poverty. Even there, however, this is not the sole factor. Jordan, for example, has a powerful opposition Brotherhood and a potentially radicalized Palestinian majority. The Palestinians who came there after being expelled from Kuwait in 1991 (because of the PLO’s support for Saddam Hussein’s invasion) brought in a lot of riches and business skills. Amman has become a much wealthier city but Jordanians generally don’t seem to have benefited much.

But Jordan is relatively small, weak, and doesn’t cause trouble, while Morocco is not a factor in the region’s international affairs. So the places where a real economic development effort could really make a difference get neglected. For a while, the Saudis talked about admitting Jordan to the rich man’s club, the Gulf Cooperation Council and giving a billion dollars in aid. But nothing came of it in the end.

Remember that the United States gave tens of billions of dollars in aid to Egypt without getting gratitude or popular moderation. Similarly, the United States gave or helped organize an effort for the Palestinians that constituted the most aid money given per person in history. Yet this brought neither progress on the peace process, a transformation in Palestinian thinking, or gratitude.

At any rate, while “economic development” sounds like a great idea, a fine way of making people happy, getting them to love America, and undermining radicalism, in practice it isn’t so effective.

About the Author: Professor Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. See the GLORIA/MERIA site at www.gloria-center.org.
 

Friday, October 26, 2012



OBAMA'S TERROR PAL RASHID KHALIDI CALLS FOR FUNDING FOR NEXT JIHAD WAR CONVOY FLOTILLA, "AUDACITY OF HOPE" 7-27-10
“Rashid Khalidi, Edward Said Professor of Arab Studies at Columbia University, reportedly has signed an appeal for funds to outfit a ship–to be named The Audacity of Hope–that will challenge the Israeli blockade of Gaza in September or October. Khalidi and his wife (who also signed the appeal) became friends and occasional dinner companions of Barack Obama when Khalidi was on the faculty of the University of Chicago. Khalidi also contributed to the education of Obama on issues relating to the Middle East. Just before Khalidi moved to Columbia, at a dinner honoring Khalidi, Obama saluted the rabidly anti-Israel professor for “offer[ing] constant reminders to me of my own blind spots and my own biases.”
Obama and Rashid Khalidi go way back. Obama babysat Khalidi's kids; Khalidi did a fund-raiser for Obama in 2001; and Obama sat on the board of the Woods Foundation with terrorist Bill Ayers and gave Khalidi $40,000 and $30,000 grants respectively.
For those of you unfamiliar with Rashid Khalidi, go here.
  • Professor of Middle East Studies at Columbia University
  • Former PLO operative
  • Has justified as legitimate Palestinian “resistance” that results in death of armed Israelis
  • Rejects the possibility of a two-state solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (from Atlas, March 2008)
Obama attended a dinner for Khalidi. The LA Times has the tape. Now more than ever, under FOIA, the LA Times must release the tape of Obama speaking and toasting Rashid Khalidi. Here is an account from a journalist who saw the tape:
Saw a clip from the tape. Reason we can't release it is because [of] statements Obama said to rile audience up during toast. He congratulates Khalidi for his work saying "Israel has no God-given right to occupy Palestine" plus there's been "genocide against the Palestinian people by Israelis."
Here is an excerpt on Khalid from my book which launched today. Buy it, there's more.
Rashid Khalidi
In 2005, Columbia University Professor Rashid Khalidi taught a fifteen-week course on Middle Eastern politics at Columbia’s Middle East Institute. The New York Sun reported that the Saudis “funneled tens of thousands of dollars” into the institute’s programs. However, New York City’s schools chancellor, Joel Klein removed Khalidi from the program after it came to light that Khalidi had justified jihad terror attacks against Israeli civilians: “Killing civilians is a war crime, whoever does it. But resistance to occupation is legitimate in international law.” Martin Kramer, a trenchant critic of the anti-Israel and pro-jihad bias that prevails in American academia, explained: “If you’re a Saudi, it’s very convenient for Rashid Khalidi to claim that the source of America’s problems in the region is not their special relationship with Saudi Arabia, but their special relationship with Israel. All he has to do is say it’s Palestine, stupid.”
That wasn’t all. Reports indicate that Khalidi was a director of WAFA, the official press agency of the Palestine Liberation Organization, in Beirut from 1976 to 1982. According to journalist Aaron Klein, “Rashid Khalidi at times has denied working directly for the PLO but Palestinian diplomatic sources in Ramallah told WND he indeed worked on behalf of WAFA. Khalidi also advised the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid Conference in 1991.” What’s more, “during documented speeches and public events, Khalidi has called Israel an ‘apartheid system in creation’ and a destructive ‘racist’ state. He has multiple times expressed support for Palestinian terror, calling suicide bombings response to ‘Israeli aggression.’ He dedicated his 1986 book, ‘Under Siege,’ to ‘those who gave their lives ... in defense of the cause of Palestine and independence of Lebanon.’ Critics assailed the book as excusing Palestinian terrorism.”
In 2001 and 2002, the fiercely anti-Israeli Arab American Action Network (AAAN), headed by Khalidi’s wife Mona, received $110,000 in grants from the Woods Fund, a Chicago-based nonprofit organization. One of the members of the Woods Fund board of directors at that time was Barack Obama, Khalidi’s former colleague back in the 1990s, when they both taught at the University of Chicago. Like Ayers, Khalidi also took a financial interest in Obama’s political career: in 2000, he held a fundraiser for Obama’s unsuccessful run for a seat in the House of Representatives. In October 2008, the Los Angeles Times obtained a video of a 2003 AAAN dinner attended by Obama, Ayers, Dohrn, and Khalidi. The Times refused to release the video, leading to angry accusations of journalistic bias from the McCain campaign, since it was widely rumored that the video showed Obama making or at very least assenting to anti-Israel statements.
One thing that the Times did reveal that Obama spoke warmly at the banquet about his numerous conversations with Rashid and Mona Khalidi, saying that they had served for him as “consistent reminders to me of my own blind spots and my own biases. . . . It’s for that reason that I’m hoping that, for many years to come, we continue that conversation – a conversation that is necessary not just around Mona and Rashid’s dinner table,” but on the big stage of “this entire world.”
Times reporter Peter Wallsten noted that “the warm embrace Obama gave to Khalidi, and words like those at the professor’s going-away party, have left some Palestinian American leaders believing that Obama is more receptive to their viewpoint than he is willing to say. Their belief is not drawn from Obama’s speeches or campaign literature, but from comments that some say Obama made in private and from his association with the Palestinian American community in his hometown of Chicago, including his presence at events where anger at Israeli and U.S. Middle East policy was freely expressed.” One of those was the 2003 AAAN dinner, at which “a young Palestinian American recited a poem accusing the Israeli government of terrorism in its treatment of Palestinians and sharply criticizing U.S. support of Israel. If Palestinians cannot secure their own land, she said, ‘then you will never see a day of peace.’” Another speaker compared the “Zionist settlers on the West Bank” – to whom Obama as president has been notoriously hostile – to Osama bin Laden. Obama is not recorded as having contradicted these remarks, although he did, according to Wallsten, adopt “a different tone in his comments and called for finding common ground.”
In any case, whatever was said on this notorious video, no smoking-gun videotape was really necessary to establish Obama’s close ties to haters of Israel. The evidence was already there in abundance.

Thursday, October 25, 2012



They Got it Right: America is Their Enemy
 Barry Rubin  10-25-12



http://www.jewishpress.com/indepth/analysis/rubin-reports/they-got-it-right-america-is-their-enemy/2012/10/25/0/?print


One of President Barack Obama’s main themes has been to convince Middle Eastern Islamists and Arabs generally that America is not their enemy. But the reason this strategy never works is that the radicals, be they Islamists or nationalists, know better. They see the United States as their enemy and they are right to do so.



No amount of sympathy, empathy, economic aid, apology, or appeasement will change this fact. Nor did such efforts succeed in making either Obama or the United States popular in such circles and the tens of millions of people influenced by them.  The only thing surprising about all of this is that so few “experts” and politicians seem to comprehend it.



There are a number of reasons why this is true, though many people mistakenly think they must find just one factor that explains this reality. The causes of this enmity include:



--American policies. True, the United States has supported Israel and also many Arab regimes over the years—including countries like Morocco, Tunisia, post-Qadhafi-Libya, Egypt, pre-Hizballah Lebanon, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, post-Saddam Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates. The Islamists are equally unhappy with the U.S. support for the Palestinian Authority.



In short, U.S. support for any non-radical regime makes radicals angry and will always do so.



So what if the United States is nice to radical or Islamist regimes? Will that help?



No. The radicals still keep their goals—which include throwing U.S. influence out of the region and overthrowing its allies—no matter what Washington tries to do to please them. In the context of their ideology, they interpret U.S. concessions as signs of weakness which thus invite them to become even more militant and aggressive.



In Libya and Iraq, the governments have been pretty much directly installed by America. Thus, anyone who wants to overthrow those governments has a strong vested interest in hating and attacking Americans. The assassination of the ambassador to Libya wasn’t an accident or the result of a video but the inevitable and logical outcome of the political situation there.



As for Israel, giving that country less help would not change the radical view. Only if the United States had the same policy as Hamas, Hizballah, and the Muslim Brotherhood might it be forgiven. Merely putting more space between the United States and Israel, to paraphrase Obama’s stated intention, won’t do it. Even brokering a comprehensive peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, which isn’t going to happen of course, won’t help.



On the contrary, the radicals—especially Hamas, its Egyptian backers, and Iran—would go into a frenzy of denunciation and attempts to destroy the arrangements, which would be blamed on America. In the Middle East, peacemakers aren’t blessed, they’re assassinated.



The ultimate attempt to do away with these problems would be if U.S. policy would actually help Islamist regimes into power, give them money, and whitewash their extremism. Sounds familiar, doesn’t it? And we can all see the results have not been good, neither in terms of U.S. interests nor even in terms of U.S. popularity.



--American values and culture. While the mere fact that a highly secular, largely hedonistic, and generally free lifestyle is practiced in the United States raises the Islamists’ ire, there is far more involved here.



The United States is the world’s leading exporter of culture regarding everything from tee-shirts, films, and democratic ideas. As such, it inevitably subverts traditional Islamic society and poses as a rival alternative to the kind of system the Islamists want to impose. There is simply no way around this conflict. It is not an imagined one and remains in effect no matter what political policy a U.S. government follows.



--America as an example to their own society. If the United States succeeds with a “Satanic” standpoint, how can Islamists persuade their people that Allah is on their side? America must be seen to fail, either through propaganda or by its actual collapse, at least in terms of the Middle East. Otherwise, the United States will remain an attractive model for many, prompting everything from immigration to political philosophy.




Many years ago in Istanbul I had dinner with the man who was the chief security officer in the U.S. embassy in Iran in 1979. I asked him what he thought was the critical detail that brought the seizure of the embassy and the holding of the staff as hostages. He replied that every day the new Islamist rulers saw long lines of Iranians outside the building applying for visas to go to America or, perhaps they thought, plotting the regime's overthrow. It was not the unpopularity but rather the popularity of the United States and its style or standard of living that frightened them. Something must be done. A break must be provoked; hatred must be stoked.



Obviously a distinction can be drawn between, on one hand, winning over the radicals and their supporters, and winning over ordinary Arabs. Yet it is also true that the masses have also been fed anti-Americanism for decades, that their worldview, news, and spin comes from a radical direction, be the source Islamists, militant Arab nationalists, traditionalist clerics, or rulers who have good relations with the United States but demagogically use anti-Americanism to shore up their reputation as militants in the Arab or Islamic causes.




In other words, no matter what the United States does it will not be interpreted—especially by the masses--based on the U.S. government’s statements or intentions but through the filter of a very different culture and worldview that has a good deal of hostility in it and is prone to xenophobia and conspiracy theories.



By the same token, to be hated the United States doesn’t have to do something wrong. It just has to be itself and pursue its own legitimate interests. This is a point that many Americans—including “experts” and leaders—seem to have great difficulty in grasping. What you say is not what someone else hears; what you do is not what someone else sees.



Finally, the radicals—which include a large portion of governments, political movements, teachers, clerics, and journalists—will deliberately do everything they can to discredit the United States and foment popular hatred against it. That includes using anything they can, be it a video, the slaying of Usama bin Ladin, accusations of atrocities, and so on, whether the specific accusations are true or false, consciously misinterpreted or misunderstood on ideological grounds.



They will never run out of reasons to hate America and ammunition for trying to convince others to do so. One conclusion from this assessment is that the traditional arsenal of diplomacy—credibility, deterrence, power—is what’s important, not courting popularity. The same principle applies to allies, of course, who must feel that their friend or patron is strong and reliable.



Such an approach has not been the one pursued during the last four years. As for the next four years, the vote count is not in yet.




About the Author: Professor Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. See the GLORIA/MERIA site at www.gloria-center.org.

OP-ED: Obama, Romney and the Jews

By Ruth R. Wisse
Posted on 10/18/12 | News Source: WSJ

Voters will not necessarily have Israel in mind—but for those who do, the choice has never seemed clearer.

No citizens would seem to need a strong America more than the Jews, who are once again targeted by aggressors seeking to destroy what they cannot attain. Iran develops the bomb and threatens to annihilate the Jewish state. Fundamentalist-controlled Egypt threatens to abrogate the treaty that cost Israel the Sinai Peninsula. Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza vie over which is Israel's more effective enemy, with the latter firing more than 400 rockets into southern Israel so far this year.
Israel rejects having any foreign soldier defend its soil, but no country the size of New Jersey can permanently withstand such disproportionate force without countervailing support from a greater power.
The positive basis for such support was spelled out by Mitt Romney this summer on his visit to Israel: common belief in democracy and the rule of law, common practice of free enterprise, and common freedom of expression that includes the freedom to criticize. The defensive rationale for supporting Israel is that, as Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper has put it, "those who single out the Jewish people as a target of racial and religious bigotry will inevitably be a threat to all of us."
These affinities explain why Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was cheered when he told the U.S. Congress last year that "Israel has no greater friend than America and America has no greater friend than Israel." Through military intelligence and experience, it is sometimes Israel that protects America.
Given the unique danger to the Jewish state and Israel's exceptional role in the defense of democracy, one might expect American Jews to vote for whichever party and politician is likelier to secure both countries. But Unlike Christians, Muslims and many others, Jews are a self-defined minority with a strategy of political accommodation to surrounding majorities. Whether out of fear or hopes for peace, many Jews have ingested the accusations against them, hoping to avoid conflict by holding Israel responsible for the aggression against it. Consequently, Jews can be found among those Americans who believe that their weakness—and that of Israel—would advance world peace.
Jews don't necessarily vote with Israel in mind, but for those who do, the choice has never seemed clearerPresident Obama's call last year for Israel to return to its 1967 borders—the roughly nine-mile diameter that invited combined attacks from Egypt, Syria, Jordan and the Palestine Liberation Organization—horrified Susan Crown of Chicago, who had been an Obama bundler in 2008: "Telling all the people who have lost loved ones in the 1967 war, that we were going to have a 'do-over,' really made me mad," she told an Illinois "Women in Leadership" forum this month.
Earlier, in a speech in Cairo entitled "A New Beginning," Mr. Obama courted Arab favor as mediator between Islam and Christianity. His speech extolled the "religious tolerance and racial equality" practiced by the two societies, and he ascribed equal responsibility to Israelis and Arabs for regional hostility.
The clearest argument for choosing Republican over Democratic leadership in the coming election was made inadvertently by New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd, who wrote recently that the GOP was returning to "the moral, muscular foreign policy" that Mr. Obama scuttled. When Ms. Dowd called Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan the "puppets" of Dan Senor (a former Bush administration official who has co-authored a book on Israeli entrepreneurship), she meant they, unlike the president, are enthusiastic and unapologetic supporters of Israel. When she said that neoconservatives are "slithering back," Ms. Dowd merely confirmed, albeit in slimy language, the obvious choice for voters who want America to take leadership of a free and safer world. You just have to know how to read.
Yet most Jews and leaders of Jewish organizations urge their coreligionists to keep voting for the president whose party has adopted the most tepid position on Israel in recent times. Edgar Bronfman, the former president of the World Jewish Congress, wrote recently that, "Not long ago, while sitting in the Oval Office, Obama looked me in the eye and said, 'My commitment to Israel's security is bone deep.' " Or, as my Harvard colleague Alan Dershowitz wrote: "Several months ago, President Obama invited me to the Oval Office to discuss his Iran strategy. He looked me in the eye and said, 'I don't bluff.' "
A president prepared to hypnotize so many Jews into promoting his campaign might have done better to invite back to the Oval Office the prime minister of the country they claim to be looking out for.
Every day brings fresh anxieties. The fate of America's ambassador to Libya and the subsequent White House handling of the attack might give pause to those who trust that President Obama "has Israel's back." And Jews aren't the only Americans looking for resolute policies of deterrence in the Middle East.
Ms. Wisse, a professor of Yiddish and comparative literature at Harvard, is the author of "Jews and Power" (Schocken, 2007).

Wednesday, October 24, 2012


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Professor Higgs and Judge Levy
Judge Levy and his committee pointed out that the generally accepted theory that Israel was an occupying power in Judea and Samaria was false and that Jewish settlement there was not contrary to international law.
By Moshe Arens | Oct.23, 2012 



Are Jewish settlements beyond the 1949 armistice lines contrary to international law? You would think that would be easy to determine. But just compare the theories that have been proposed on this issue to the decades-long search for the elusive Higgs boson. The first seems to be in the realm of speculation; the other finally has been nailed down after painstaking research.
Now experiments conducted at the Large Hadron Collider in Geneva have confirmed the existence of the Higgs boson. Scientists had searched for this elementary particle for years - it was the missing particle in the Standard Model of particle physics. First predicted based on theoretical considerations by Professor Peter Higgs and other physicists in 1964, its existence has now been confirmed. The Standard Model seems to be in good shape for the time being.
As for the right of Jews to settle in Judea and Samaria, the conventional wisdom for many years has been that this is contrary to international law. However, the theoretical model that postulated that Israel is an occupying power in Judea and Samaria - and therefore obligated to behave there in accordance with the Fourth Geneva Convention - received a body blow with the release of the report drafted by the committee headed by Judge Edmond Levy, which stated the contrary.
Almost universally accepted in recent years, this model of Israeli "conquest" and "occupation" was based on an implicit assumption that was, at first view, invalid - namely, that Judea and Samaria, prior to 1967, had been territory under Palestinian sovereignty and had come under Israeli control as a result of Israeli aggression.
Now here is the difference between the exact sciences and the "soft" social sciences. One requires painstaking research and proof beyond a shadow of a doubt before a proposition can be accepted as valid; the other often involves jumping to conclusions that have more to do with wishful thinking than logical deductions.
The missing part in the "occupied territory" model is the Palestinian state. The proponents of the two-state solution believe so fervently in the need to establish this state and thus "solve" the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that they have in effect conjured this state into existence prior to 1967, thus turning Israeli control over Judea and Samaria into occupation of Palestinian sovereign territory.
Conveniently forgotten is the fact that, prior to 1967, Judea and Samaria was territory that had been occupied by the Jordanian army in 1948 in Jordan's war of aggression against Israel, and that Jordan lost control of this territory due to its renewed aggression against Israel in 1967.
The legal rights, by international law, of the Jewish people in all of Palestine were defined in 1922 by the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, which recognized "the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country." Furthermore, it called on the Mandatory power to "encourage close settlement by Jews on the land." The Mandate for Palestine was also endorsed that same year by a resolution passed unanimously in both Houses of the U.S. Congress.
Those who claim that the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine of 1922 has in the intervening years been superseded by events and by the UN Partition Resolution of November 1947 ignore the United Nations Charter (Chapter XII, article 80 ) which states that "nothing in this Chapter shall be construed in or of itself to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any international instruments to which Members of the United Nations may respectively be partners." This clearly precludes arbitrary changes to the rights of the Jewish people in Palestine as defined in the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, and confirms the legality of Jewish settlements in all of Palestine in accordance with international law.
Judge Levy and his committee pointed out that the generally accepted theory that Israel was an occupying power in Judea and Samaria was false and that Jewish settlement there was not contrary to international law.


Arab Fears of Abandonment Could Threaten U.S. Interests  By Evelyn Gordon  10-24-12     

One of the most disturbing of many disturbing developments in the Middle East recently is the growing fear among America's traditional Arab allies that Washington's support can no longer be relied on.

Whether this fear has any valid basis is irrelevant. Last month, for instance, Reuters reported on two different conspiracy theories that are gaining currency among the Gulf states' leadership: that America is plotting with the Muslim Brotherhood to replace existing Arab monarchies, and that it wants to create a Shi'ite-led government in Bahrain as a step toward rapprochement with Iran. Needless to say, both are nonsensical. But even if one deems the premise delusional, the consequences are very real - and highly detrimental to American interests.

America's Arab allies have always relied on a U.S. defense umbrella for protection against outside threats, from Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 to Iran today. In exchange, they keep oil markets relatively stable (Saudi Arabia, for instance, boosted oil production to compensate for the shortfall caused by sanctions on Iran), cooperate closely on counterterrorism activity against anti-American groups like al Qaeda (even as they remain largely responsible for financing the spread of the extremist Islamic ideology that fosters such terrorism), avoid destabilizing military activity, and occasionally support other American policy goals (for instance, Saudi Arabia's grand mufti publicly denounced the attacks on America's consulate in Benghazi and embassy in Cairo as un-Islamic).

But the moment they think this American defense umbrella can't be relied on, their willingness to support American interests will vanish. At that point, they will either begin cozying up to powerful neighbors like Iran, engage in military adventurism of their own, or start funding anti-American terrorist groups rather than fighting them.

As former Israeli Ambassador to the United States Dr. Dore Gold noted recently, Qatar was a bellwether in this regard: According to senior Gulf state officials, the U.S. government's 2007 National Intelligence Estimate's finding that Iran halted its nuclear weapons program in 2003 made Qatar doubt America's resolve to prevent Iran's nuclearization, so it began moving closer to Tehran. By 2010, it was openly planning joint military exercises with Iran, even while continuing to host America's main airbase in the region. Indeed, the shift was so marked that other Gulf States began excluding it from meetings called to discuss concerns about Iran. Only thanks to Syria's civil war did this trend reverse: As a Sunni state, Qatar couldn't risk appearing to countenance the Iranian-backed Assad regime's slaughter of the Sunni-led opposition.

Over the past two years, however, there have been worrying signs that other Arab countries are also beginning to disregard American concerns. Iraq, for instance, defied repeated U.S. demands to bar Iran from flying weapons to Syria through its airspace, even though America is its main arms supplier. Yet seen through the prism of fear, it could hardly do otherwise: Bordered by Iran and its powerful army, lacking even an air force of its own, it can't risk antagonizing Tehran if it isn't certain America will be there to protect it.

Perhaps the most noteworthy example was Saudi Arabia's decision to send troops into Bahrain last year without even warning Washington, thereby destroying America's hopes for a negotiated solution between Bahrain's Sunni government and the Shi'ite-led opposition. Saudi Arabia is not only one of America's closest Arab allies, it has traditionally been averse to employing military force outside its borders. Yet without confidence that Washington would keep the Iranian wolf from its door, Riyadh felt it had no choice. "We don't want Iran 14 miles off our coast, and that's not going to happen," a senior Saudi official bluntly told The Washington Post. Having lived with Iranian-backed militias on two of their borders for years, Israelis can sympathize.

So far, these are minor annoyances rather than major strategic setbacks. But if this trend continues, the costs are liable to escalate.

For all these states, as cables published by WikiLeaks in 2010 made clear, the make-or-break issue is Iran's nuclear program. Saudi Arabia urged the U.S. to attack Iran and "cut off the head of the snake." Abu Dhabi's crown prince warned, "[Iranian President Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad is Hitler." King Hamad of Bahrain said Iran's nuclear program "must be stopped," because "the danger of letting it go on is greater than the danger of stopping it." Former Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri declared that the Iraq war "was unnecessary," but "Iran is necessary." A senior Jordanian official said that military action against Iran would be "catastrophic," but he "nonetheless thought preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons would pay enough dividends to make it worth the risks."

All these countries would be delighted if sanctions and diplomacy did the trick instead. But they want Iran's nuclear program stopped, whatever it takes - and they want to be convinced that America will see to it.

Clearly, America can't sacrifice its own strategic interests just to reassure its Arab allies on this point. For instance, many of these allies believe the Assad regime's downfall would deal Iran a major blow, so they want Washington to at least let them provide the Syrian opposition with heavier weapons (as their main arms supplier, America has an effective veto), and perhaps even impose a no-fly zone. But if Washington believes America's own strategic interests argue against these moves, it obviously can't acquiesce simply to convince its allies that it's serious about stopping Iran.

Yet since a bipartisan consensus in Washington holds that Iran's nuclear program must indeed be stopped, finding some way to convey the necessary reassurance without undermining American interests shouldn't be impossible. And doing so is vital.

Many Americans are understandably weary of American involvement in the Middle East, but the region is still too important to be ignored. Reassuring America's Arab allies should therefore be a priority for whoever wins next month's presidential election.