Sunday, January 5, 2014



 WHY JONATHAN POLLARD WILL DIE IN PRISON...

           David Turner's article is 100% accurate and very well written.  I endorse it fully and I urge that you  read it in its entirety and then speak out to make up for the Jewish communities' craven lack of integrity and courage  .  LTGJC 





From: LT COL HOWARD January 5, 2014 
Subject: Why Jonathan Pollard will die in prison




.For a long time I have been on the public record as urging the immediate release of Jonathan Pollard.


As a Christian and as an American military officer I have often wondered why  the American Jewish community, particularly its very vocal and outspoken liberal Jewish rabbis, have not risen up in anger over this very obvious campaign to demonize American Jews who support Israel as being “subversive”.

Others who have publicly also urged Pollards's release are former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger and George Schultz and former head of the CIA James Woolsley. A much more complete list of government officials (many of us holding the highest level of security clearance) can be found in the article in Wikipedia and/or on the “free Jonathan Pollard" website.

“Based on my first-hand knowledge," wrote Korb, "I can say with confidence that the severity of Pollard’s sentence is a result of an almost visceral dislike of Israel and the special place it occupies in our foreign policy on the part of my boss at the time, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger.
U.S. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger (long regarded by Israel as antagonistic toward the Jewish state),intimidated to the court that Pollard gave information to the Soviets. (Later, we came to learn that this was the doing of Robert Hanssen and Aldrich Ames.)

One of the major reasons for incarcerating Pollard-and thus holding him as hostage-was the widespread belief (spread by Aldrich Ames to cover his own tracks) that there was a 2nd Israeli mole inside the CIA -and that Israel would release this mole's identity in exchange for the release of Pollard.

U.S. officials  repeatedly, publicly claimed that Pollard was not working alone when he spied for Israel and  the United States therefore  should make Pollard's release conditional on Israel acknowledging this"BASELESS." claim. 

 The 2nd major reason (AND I CAN TESTIFY FIRSTHAND THAT THIS WAS BASELESS) was the assumption that "means and sources "information was being transmitted to the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union fell we found out that our assumptions that the Soviet Union had penetrated Israeli intelligence and that US intelligence going to Israel was in fact ending up in the Soviet Union WERE FALSE.

 A 3rd area that I addressed was  that during the same time period  a spy caught working for Saudi Arabia (a Navy officer named Schwarz-not Jewish- where the intelligence did in fact go to an enemy power-and was very harmful to US military interests) received a dishonorable discharge and nothing further as punishment 
.

David Turner's article is 100% accurate and very well written.

I endorse it fully and I urge that you  read it in its entirety and then speak out to make up for the Jewish communities' craven lack of integrity and courage 

.


Begin forwarded message:
From: "David Turner, LCSW" <dt.lcsw@gmail.com>
Date: January 5, 2014 2:01:57 PM PST
To: "David Turner, LCSW" <vapto@globalweb.net>
Subject: 131226 - RR - Why Jonathan Pollard will die in prison

I have chosen a provocative title for this article because nearing his fourth decade in prison for a crime all others similarly charged see freedom within four years, Jonathan Pollard is no more likely to be freed under Barak Obama than under George W. Bush before him or Bill Clinton before him. From today it seems no exaggeration that, barring a miracle, a young and idealistic American Jew who chose to spy for Israel will be forced to pay the ultimate price for his decision. 

Jonathan Pollard had serious medical conditions at the time of his arrest in his twenties. He remains seriously ill in his fifties. And, as I suggested above, barring Divine Intervention or Israel agreeing to some extreme presidential demands bordering on extortion, Jonathan Pollard will die in prison.


The punishment imposed,” wrote Weinberger, “should reflect the perfidy of the individual’s actions, the magnitude of the treason committed...”

"As I say, the Pollard matter was comparatively minor. It was made far bigger than its actual importance." Pressed on why the case was made far bigger than its actual importance, Weinberger replied, "I don't know why-it just was." (Weinberger interview with Edwin Black, 2002)


I. The Legend begins


In a recent article appearing on-line Prof. Angelo Codevilla, a staff member of the Senate Intelligence Committee at the time Jonathan Pollard was arrested is quoted:
“Having been intimately acquainted with the materials that Pollard passed and with the sources and methods by which they were gathered, I would be willing to give expert testimony that Pollard is guilty of neither more nor less than what the indictment alleges.”

The allegation of “treason” which is represented as having influenced DC Circuit Judge Robinson to impose the life sentence was included in Weinberger’s unclassified “supplemental” memo:

“The punishment imposed should reflect the perfidy of the individual’s actions, the magnitude of the treason committed...” (emphasis added)

Prior to entering “government service” the defense secretary was a lawyer which suggest he might have known that he was using hyperbole and not “law” in describing Pollard guilty of “treason.” Just to make sure the slur would do maximal damage Weinberger repeated the charge to the press immediately leaving the judge’s chambers. Even a decade later, in a 1999 interview with Middle East Quarterly:

MEQ: You have been quoted saying that Jonathan Pollard "should have been shot." Is this accurate?

Weinberger: Any traitor who did what he did should be shot.

Not Weinberger or any other high ranking Reagan Administration official involved in Irangate was ever called to answer for their crimes against the United States. And today as the consequence of a matter even its principle perpetrator Weinberger called, comparatively minor,” Pollard’s “perfidy” appearing occasionally in the press the work of “unnamed administration officials” a tool distancing American Jews from Israel. And, after nearly thirty years in prison Jonathan Pollard, sentenced to life seems increasingly likely to serve out his life sentence in full.


II. Pollard violated the plea agreement

One week before the CIA released those documents described by Professor Codevilla the Agency asserted that Pollard was solely responsible for his harsh sentence:

“Pollard’s willingness to grant an interview to journalist Wolf Blitzer for The Jerusalem Post without obtaining advance approval of the resulting text from the Justice Department violated the terms of his plea bargain.”

At the time of the Blitzer interview Pollard was in a high security federal prison in Petersburg, Virginia. The only way Blitzer could possibly have met with the prisoner was with Justice Department approval! Certainly no lowly federal warden would have taken it upon himself to allow a journalist for an Israeli publication access to a high profile prisoner charged with espionage on behalf of Israel!

Put directly the meeting would have had to be accepted by the prisoner. But in order for the reporter actually enter the prison and meet with Pollard he would have first required the approval of the US Government. I, for example, might want to visit Pollard, and he might agree to the meeting. But only the prison could approve me for his visitor’s list. In simple words, Pollard’s “violation of the terms of his plea agreement” was a red herring, a setup to justify the “violation.” As the CIA statement makes clear, without a technical excuse, and without foreknowledge of the staged and dramatic “last minute” appearance in the courtroom by Weinberger, the judge would likely have had to go along with the government’s assurances to Pollard.


III. A spy in Naval Intelligence

Of all the military services the US Navy was reputed, still is considered, “least friendly” to minorities. So it is interesting that, having first been turned down by the CIA that Pollard the Zionist would find employment with Naval Intelligence. According to the Blitzer interviews Pollard raised red flags to co-workers and superiors almost immediately, and within months sought to have him fired. In an interview with the Washington Post then directory of Naval Intelligence Admiral Sumner Shapiro,

dismissed Pollard as a "kook" and reduced his clearance. Later Pollard's clearance was reinstated… ‘I wish the hell I'd fired him.’"

Inexplicably the rear admiral head of NIS was unable to fire or even enforce his own order reducing Pollard’s security clearance.

Not only did Pollard keep his job and his security clearance but he was serially increased in responsibilities and clearance, coincidentally finding himself responsible for intelligence regarding Israel’s enemy Arab states and terrorist organizations: precisely the information that the young romantic Zionist placed in a position to evaluate danger to Israel, would see was being withheld from Israel.


IV. The strange co-incidence of Irangate and the Pollard Affair

An interesting and overlooked piece of the Pollard “spy scandal” is that it hit the headlines at about the same time the Reagan Administration’s Iran-Contra Affair was coming unraveled.

In brief, Irangate was a Reagan Administration initiative involving the sale of arms to Iran (banned by Congress), and transferring funds to right-wing death squads attempting to overthrow Nicaragua’s left-wing Sandinista government (also banned by Congress). The administration had attempted to cover its involvement by using the Saudis and Israelis as cutouts. The Saudis served as administration bankers by launder monies involved in the transactions. At Reagan’s personal request Israel served as gun dealer intermediary between the administration and the Iranians. When the operation began to unravel administration insiders scrambled to provide a cover of deniability. At first the operation was described as an Israeli arms deal and the US as innocently involved. But in the end that was not credible. In a private note of December, 1985 Weinberger wrote:

"The disastrous November HAWK shipment prompted US officials to take direct control of the arms deals with Iran. Until then, Israel had been responsible for making the deliveries, for which the US agreed to replenish their stocks of American weapons."

With Israel still in the crosshairs the Pollard Affair exploded in the media and eclipsing Irangate for the next two years, Congressional investigations and all.


V. The mysterious “Mr. X”

For a period of one and a half years, from the time of his arrest until his conviction, the Pollard Affair was daily front page, television news. Pollard was accused of an array of “harms” committed against the United States from selling information to China and South Africa, to exposing CIA agents to the Soviets. In fact American spies really were disappearing and turning up dead across East Europe and Russia. Since Pollard was recognized as an “amateur” he must have been directed in his espionage by someone higher up in US intelligence. That person was designated “Mr. X.”

“U.S. prosecutors and investigators believed that Pollard and his Israeli handlers were helped by another American, referred to as Mr. X, who probably was a senior administration official. Mr. X provided the reference numbers that helped Pollard pull out requested files from America's most-secret intelligence computers.”

Since Pollard failed to name his US “handler” the Justice Department hinted he was obstructing the investigation, another “violation” of his “plea agreement” (over the entire pre-trial phase prosecutors repeatedly and publicly warned that Pollard was non-compliant one way or another and that this endangered his plea agreement). In the end there was no “Mr. X,” at least no mysterious “senior administration official” aiding Pollard’s activities. But there was in fact a Mr. X, a senior CIA officer feeding information to the administration in order to cover his own espionage for Russia. The Soviet Union’s mole in the CIA was Aldrich Ames, thirty-one year veteran and head of the clandestine operations in Eastern Europe. According to the FBI report on Ames,

“During the summer of 1985, Ames met several times with a Russian diplomat to whom he passed classified information about CIA and FBI human sources, as well as technical operations targeting the Soviet Union.”


Once Pollard was sentenced no amount of evidence contradicting the charges would move the administration to admit its error and reconsider the sentence. In 2010 Rafi Eitan, head of the Israeli spy agency that ran the Pollard said,

“at the time of Pollard’s sentencing in 1987, secret charges were laid against Pollard blaming him for the crimes of a Russian mole within American intelligence, Aldrich Ames. Pollard was neither informed of these charges nor given a chance to challenge them in a court of law.

“Eitan said the US steadfastly refused to release Pollard even after Ames was exposed and arrested in 1994, “for their own reasons.”


VI. Pollard and “the Jews”

As a regional director for Jewish National Fund in 1988 in Brooklyn and Queens I approached community leaders regarding how best to assist Jonathan Pollard. Uniformly the response was, “it’s being taken care of back-channel;” Pollard was expected to be quietly released to Israel. Reflecting rumor or faith, that response, “sha, shtil” reflects the age-old and realistic fear of our neighbors. And today, twenty-six years later, Pollard remains in prison no closer to release.

As the years, then decades passed it became increasingly obvious that Pollard is the victim of “special” treatment by the US Government.

His sentence is so harsh, so far outside norms that support for his release has come from previous supporters of his conviction. Among these are two men who were directly involved in events surrounding the Affair: Lawrence Korb was assistant defense secretary under Weinberger, and Dennis DeConcini headed the Senate intelligence committee. Other prominent and politically connected persons today supportive of a presidential decision to release Pollard include former CIA director, James Woolsey:

“When I was director, I looked into it carefully, and I opposed clemency then. But now some 20 years have passed and the whole point is to link sentence and comparable sentences. Anyone who thinks what he did is comparable to Ames and Hanssen has no understanding of what they did. If you are hung up on Pollard having spied for Israel, then pretend he is Filipino-American, Korean-American, or Greek-American spy (we have had all three) and the facts are otherwise the same, you’d conclude he ought to be released.”

(Ames and Hanssen both worked for the Soviet Union. Ames provided the names of CIA operatives working behind the Iron Curtain knowing their fate. Ames pointed the finger of blame on Pollard to direct suspicion from himself. That Pollard neither provided Russia with information, was not involved in those deaths; that Ames had diverted attention from himself and onto Pollard has had no impact on his sentence.)

Among political personalities now supporting Pollard’s release are two former Secretaries of State, Henry Kissinger and George Schultz. And recently thirty members of Congress signed a petition to President Obama in favor of Pollard’s release.

Over the years American Jews have also grown less threatened and self-conscious by the Pollard Affair and today most major Jewish organizations publicly support Pollard’s release.


VII. “In the opinion of this Italian-American Catholic”

Professor Codevilla introduced this discussion. As I noted he was a staff member of Senator DiConcini’s Intelligence Committee during the period of the Pollard Affair and so was well-positioned to evaluate the case from within.

“Pollard was an analyst. He is alleged to have given away information to which no analyst had any access. All of what has been said about what he did, including the secret memorandum that Caspar Weinberger wrote to the court in order to influence the judge’s sentence, is nonsense... the sentencing of Pollard was conformant with Weinberger’s memorandum to the court. He was sentenced to life on the basis of rumors.

“The story of the Pollard case is a blot on American justice. It makes you ashamed to be an American.”



Postscript: “Let the sentence fit the crime” (The Mikado)

On March 4, 1987 federal judge Aubrey Robinson chose to ignore the Justice Department plea agreement and, charged with a single count of espionage on behalf of America’s ally, Israel, imposed the harshest sentence allowable even for an Aldrich Ames. That sentence, fully endorsed by the justice department, resulted from Reagan’s defense secretary Weinberger’s dramatic last moment appearance before the judge. Reportedly one charge contained in the “secret memorandum” involved Pollard aiding South Africa, bogus but a red flag for Afro-American judge.

In a 1990 letter to Morris Pollard, Jonathan’s father, Laurence Kolb, deputy defense secretary at the time of the Pollard Affair described his boss:

Weinberger had an almost visceral dislike of Israel and the special place it occupies in our foreign policy. In my opinion, the severity of the sentence that Jonathan received was out of proportion to his alleged offense.”

Joseph DeGenova, lead Justice Department prosecutor fully supported the sentence, and this would become the mantra for successive generations of government bureaucrats, including the FBI and CIA. Of course no reference was made regarding manipulation of the judge’s political prejudices, all settled on Pollard’s violating the agreement based on the Blitzer interview. But considering the multiplicity of questionable behaviors. But why would Jonathan, otherwise a highly intelligent and aware person, have provided the US prosecutors that rope?

The government expressed concern that a public jury trial would disclose information that could harm US intelligence methods and personnel and asked Pollard to agree to a private, in camera hearing before the judge instead. If Pollard agreed to that, and to fully cooperate with the prosecution that the government, in exchange, would ask for consideration in sentencing. Pollard agreed and fully cooperated.

So why might Pollard have taken the step he did? As Blitzer suggested in his post-interviews book, Territory of Lies, having sat in solitary confinement for a year, himself and his wife demonized in the media, he and Anne concluded the plea agreement was already abandoned.

Abandoned also by Israel not providing refuge in the embassy as promised. And hadn’t Israel also been cooperating with the prosecution leading to his conviction? With nothing to lose they decided to get their side of the story to the public. Perhaps then at least the Jewish community would rally to their support.

As this is written on-line commenters are expressing outrage that Israel is clearly coerced by the US to release Palestinian terrorists convicted of murder as gesture to Palestinian leader abu Mazen. Israel’s weak position, its dependency on the United States may be difficult to accept, but nonetheless is the reason. And to a far greater extent in the 1980’s. Anyone remembering the 1973 Yom Kippur War that Israel might well have lost without the last minute airlift of parts and munitions (what threats were made; what demands accepted) may appreciate just how weak Israel is in her “special relationship” with the superpower.

At bottom the Pollards realized they were damned either way! I have several times been told that Jonathan would have been better served by quietly going along, challenging the government’s plea agreement violation later in court,

“[an] action that should have been subject to litigation and appeals, not unilateral pretext for reneging on a court-approved deal.”

In fact several generations of Pollard pro bono attorneys sought to do so, and ran into the same legal wall: Pollard’s original lawyer and ex DC prosecutor Richard Hibey inexplicably “forgot” to file the routine appeal within the allotted time! It was this “technicality” that foreclosed the possibility of future legal challenges.


With so much evidence of blatant governmental abuse, including suborning the sentencing judge; with so much evidence of presidential “disinterest” most recently evidenced by the Obama White House rejection of Pollards appeal (Bush left the White House without even responding to the request to release Pollard), the inescapable conclusion remains that, barring an unlikely miracle (or Israel caving to some outrageous coercive demand by this or some future president) the title of this article frighteningly conforms to reality: Why Jonathan Pollard will die in prison.

Friday, January 3, 2014


The assault on Resolution 242
 Dore Gold, Israel Hayom Friday November 8, 2013

With unconfirmed rumors appearing in the press about what is likely to happen in the peace process in the months ahead, now is the time to recall exactly what Israel’s rights are in its territorial dispute with the Palestinians over the future of the West Bank.
Those rights were first enshrined in the most famous and important U.N. resolution in the peace process, U.N. Security Council Resolution 242. This month marks the anniversary of the resolution. The first draft was proposed on Nov. 7, 1967, while the final draft was adopted unanimously by all 15 Security Council members on Nov. 22 that year.

Understanding the significance of Resolution 242 is not an exercise in the study of some obscure aspect of decades old diplomatic history. Over the years the resolution evolved into the basis of the entire peace process, including the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, the 1991 Madrid peace conference, the 1993 Oslo Accords, the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty, and draft agreements with Syria. Back in 1973, on the eve of the Geneva Peace Conference, the U.S. even provided a letter of assurance to Israel that it would prevent any party from tampering with Resolution 242. Israeli diplomacy sought to protect Resolution 242 as though it was a crown jewels of the Jewish state.
Resolution 242 is best known for its famous withdrawal clause, which did not call on Israel to pull back to the pre-war 1967 lines. While the Soviet Union insisted that the resolution specifically call for “a withdrawal from all the territories occupied” by Israel in the Six-Day War, the U.S. and Britain countered with very different phraseology that was reflected in the final draft, that was eventually adopted by all 15 members of the Security Council. It would only state that there had to be a withdrawal “from territories.”
The U.S. and Britain recognized that the pre-1967 line had only been an armistice line from 1949 and was not a final international border. Indeed, Article 2 of the original 1949 Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan clearly stipulated that it did not prejudice the territorial “claims and positions” of the parties since its provisions were “dictated exclusively by military considerations.”
The battle over the language of the withdrawal clause was not just conducted by overly legalistic advisers to the British and American missions to the U.N.; everyone understood that these distinctions had enormous significance, for they went all the way to the apex of power in both Washington and Moscow and were settled in direct communications between President Lyndon Johnson and Prime Minister Alexei Kosygin.
The British, under Prime Minister Harold Wilson, were the main drafters of Resolution 242. Their Ambassador to the U.N. in 1967, Lord Caradon, clarified what the language of the withdrawal clause meant in an interview published in 1976 in the Journal of Palestine Studies: “We could have said, ‘Well, you go back to the 1967 line.’ But I know the 1967 line, and it’s a rotten line. You couldn’t have a worse line for a permanent international boundary. It’s where the troops happened to be on a certain night in 1948. It’s got no relation to the needs of the situation. Had we said that you must go back to the 1967 line, which would have resulted if we had specified a retreat from all the occupied territories, we would have been wrong.”
Any Israeli withdrawal had to be to “secure and recognized borders,” as the resolution stated.
Lord Caradon’s American counterpart, Arthur Goldberg, fully supported this interpretation repeatedly over the years, such as in his 1988 statement: “The resolution stipulates withdrawal from occupied territories without defining the extent of withdrawal.” Goldberg was a legal scholar who served previously on the U.S. Supreme Court, before coming to the U.N.
Others backed his interpretation as well. The senior U.S. figure in the State Department with responsibility for the Middle East, Joseph Sisco, went on NBC’s Meet the Press on July 12, 1970, and also said: “That resolution [242] did not say ‘withdrawal to the pre-June 5 lines.”’ In short, there was no argument about how Resolution 242 should be interpreted. Israel had rights to retain some West Bank territory, so that at the end of the day it could obtain defensible borders in any future political settlement.
By the way, it is notable that according to Resolution 242, Israel was entitled to this territory without having to pay for it with its own pre-1967 territory. There were no land swaps in Resolution 242. Nor was there any corridor crossing Israeli sovereign territory so that the West Bank could be connected to the Gaza Strip (just as there is no land corridor across Canada connecting Alaska to the rest of the U.S.). These diplomatic innovations were thought of by negotiators in the 1990s, but Israel in no way is required to agree to them, according to Resolution 242. In his memoirs, Abba Eban, then Israel’s foreign minister, described the readiness of the U.S. and Britain, in particular, to agree to a revision of the pre-war boundaries as a “major breakthrough” for Israeli diplomacy.
Yet there were also efforts underway over the years to erode this Israeli achievement. Some diplomats argued that the French version of the resolution said “from the territories,” rather than “from territories.” Anglo-American diplomacy had carefully avoided the definite article in the English version. Whether the French version was a translation mistake or a consequence of how French grammar deals with abstract nouns didn’t matter. Resolution 242 was negotiated in English, and 10 out of 15 members of the U.N. Security Council were English-speaking countries. Thus the English version of Resolution 242 was the decisive version to work with.
In 1970, British Prime Minister Wilson had been replaced by Edward Heath. In January 1973, Britain joined the European Economic Community, leading to a major erosion of its position on Resolution 242. On Nov. 6, 1973, in the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the EEC issued a joint declaration which reflected its own growing sense of vulnerability to threats of an Arab oil embargo. It was a time when no European state would even allow U.S. cargo aircraft with badly needed spare parts for the IDF to refuel on their way to Israel — only Portugal agreed, but insisted on the U.S. using its airfield in the Azores. Europe as a collective felt it needed to appease the Arab oil-producers. As a result, the EEC declaration, which now included Britain, explicitly stated that Israel had to withdraw to the armistice lines of 1949. Under pressure, the British abandoned the essence of a resolution that they themselves had drafted six years earlier.
One of the intriguing aspects of Resolution 242 was that it said nothing about Jerusalem. In a letter to The New York Times on March 6, 1980, Arthur Goldberg wrote: “Resolution 242 in no way refers to Jerusalem, and this omission was deliberate.” He explained that he never described Jerusalem as “occupied territory.” Goldberg was reacting to the policy of the Carter administration, which was criticizing Israeli construction practices in east Jerusalem and misrepresenting Israel’s legal rights. Goldberg believed that the status of Jerusalem had to be negotiated, but he insisted that “Jerusalem was not to be divided again.”
Israel itself may have contributed to confusion about its rights in Jerusalem. The 1993 Oslo Accords formally recognized Jerusalem as a subject for future final status negotiations. Yet that did not mean that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was prepared to re-divide Jerusalem. Negotiability was one thing; withdrawal was something else. In his final Knesset address, on Oct. 5, 1995, one month before he was assassinated, Rabin declared: “The borders of the State of Israel, during the permanent solution, will be beyond the lines which existed before the Six-Day War. We will not return to the June 4, 1967 lines.” Rabin spoke the language of Resolution 242. He added that Israel would retain “a united Jerusalem.”
The effort to erode Israel’s rights recognized in Resolution 242 has continued. Over the past few years, the Middle East Quartet suggested to Israel that if it would say that the basis of the negotiations would be the 1967 lines, then Mahmoud Abbas would come back to the negotiations. This strategy didn’t work back then and contradicted Resolution 242.
Ultimately, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry succeeded in restarting negotiations without making the 1967 lines the basis of a final settlement. As Israel engages in the current sensitive talks with the Palestinians, it is imperative that it recall its legal rights, especially to those states who voted for Resolution 242 but now demand that Israel withdraw to the 1967 lines, contrary to what the U.N. originally established.


The assault on Resolution 242
 Dore Gold, Israel Hayom Friday November 8, 2013

With unconfirmed rumors appearing in the press about what is likely to happen in the peace process in the months ahead, now is the time to recall exactly what Israel’s rights are in its territorial dispute with the Palestinians over the future of the West Bank.
Those rights were first enshrined in the most famous and important U.N. resolution in the peace process, U.N. Security Council Resolution 242. This month marks the anniversary of the resolution. The first draft was proposed on Nov. 7, 1967, while the final draft was adopted unanimously by all 15 Security Council members on Nov. 22 that year.

Understanding the significance of Resolution 242 is not an exercise in the study of some obscure aspect of decades old diplomatic history. Over the years the resolution evolved into the basis of the entire peace process, including the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, the 1991 Madrid peace conference, the 1993 Oslo Accords, the 1994 Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty, and draft agreements with Syria. Back in 1973, on the eve of the Geneva Peace Conference, the U.S. even provided a letter of assurance to Israel that it would prevent any party from tampering with Resolution 242. Israeli diplomacy sought to protect Resolution 242 as though it was a crown jewels of the Jewish state.
Resolution 242 is best known for its famous withdrawal clause, which did not call on Israel to pull back to the pre-war 1967 lines. While the Soviet Union insisted that the resolution specifically call for “a withdrawal from all the territories occupied” by Israel in the Six-Day War, the U.S. and Britain countered with very different phraseology that was reflected in the final draft, that was eventually adopted by all 15 members of the Security Council. It would only state that there had to be a withdrawal “from territories.”
The U.S. and Britain recognized that the pre-1967 line had only been an armistice line from 1949 and was not a final international border. Indeed, Article 2 of the original 1949 Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan clearly stipulated that it did not prejudice the territorial “claims and positions” of the parties since its provisions were “dictated exclusively by military considerations.”
The battle over the language of the withdrawal clause was not just conducted by overly legalistic advisers to the British and American missions to the U.N.; everyone understood that these distinctions had enormous significance, for they went all the way to the apex of power in both Washington and Moscow and were settled in direct communications between President Lyndon Johnson and Prime Minister Alexei Kosygin.
The British, under Prime Minister Harold Wilson, were the main drafters of Resolution 242. Their Ambassador to the U.N. in 1967, Lord Caradon, clarified what the language of the withdrawal clause meant in an interview published in 1976 in the Journal of Palestine Studies: “We could have said, ‘Well, you go back to the 1967 line.’ But I know the 1967 line, and it’s a rotten line. You couldn’t have a worse line for a permanent international boundary. It’s where the troops happened to be on a certain night in 1948. It’s got no relation to the needs of the situation. Had we said that you must go back to the 1967 line, which would have resulted if we had specified a retreat from all the occupied territories, we would have been wrong.”
Any Israeli withdrawal had to be to “secure and recognized borders,” as the resolution stated.
Lord Caradon’s American counterpart, Arthur Goldberg, fully supported this interpretation repeatedly over the years, such as in his 1988 statement: “The resolution stipulates withdrawal from occupied territories without defining the extent of withdrawal.” Goldberg was a legal scholar who served previously on the U.S. Supreme Court, before coming to the U.N.
Others backed his interpretation as well. The senior U.S. figure in the State Department with responsibility for the Middle East, Joseph Sisco, went on NBC’s Meet the Press on July 12, 1970, and also said: “That resolution [242] did not say ‘withdrawal to the pre-June 5 lines.”’ In short, there was no argument about how Resolution 242 should be interpreted. Israel had rights to retain some West Bank territory, so that at the end of the day it could obtain defensible borders in any future political settlement.
By the way, it is notable that according to Resolution 242, Israel was entitled to this territory without having to pay for it with its own pre-1967 territory. There were no land swaps in Resolution 242. Nor was there any corridor crossing Israeli sovereign territory so that the West Bank could be connected to the Gaza Strip (just as there is no land corridor across Canada connecting Alaska to the rest of the U.S.). These diplomatic innovations were thought of by negotiators in the 1990s, but Israel in no way is required to agree to them, according to Resolution 242. In his memoirs, Abba Eban, then Israel’s foreign minister, described the readiness of the U.S. and Britain, in particular, to agree to a revision of the pre-war boundaries as a “major breakthrough” for Israeli diplomacy.
Yet there were also efforts underway over the years to erode this Israeli achievement. Some diplomats argued that the French version of the resolution said “from the territories,” rather than “from territories.” Anglo-American diplomacy had carefully avoided the definite article in the English version. Whether the French version was a translation mistake or a consequence of how French grammar deals with abstract nouns didn’t matter. Resolution 242 was negotiated in English, and 10 out of 15 members of the U.N. Security Council were English-speaking countries. Thus the English version of Resolution 242 was the decisive version to work with.
In 1970, British Prime Minister Wilson had been replaced by Edward Heath. In January 1973, Britain joined the European Economic Community, leading to a major erosion of its position on Resolution 242. On Nov. 6, 1973, in the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the EEC issued a joint declaration which reflected its own growing sense of vulnerability to threats of an Arab oil embargo. It was a time when no European state would even allow U.S. cargo aircraft with badly needed spare parts for the IDF to refuel on their way to Israel — only Portugal agreed, but insisted on the U.S. using its airfield in the Azores. Europe as a collective felt it needed to appease the Arab oil-producers. As a result, the EEC declaration, which now included Britain, explicitly stated that Israel had to withdraw to the armistice lines of 1949. Under pressure, the British abandoned the essence of a resolution that they themselves had drafted six years earlier.
One of the intriguing aspects of Resolution 242 was that it said nothing about Jerusalem. In a letter to The New York Times on March 6, 1980, Arthur Goldberg wrote: “Resolution 242 in no way refers to Jerusalem, and this omission was deliberate.” He explained that he never described Jerusalem as “occupied territory.” Goldberg was reacting to the policy of the Carter administration, which was criticizing Israeli construction practices in east Jerusalem and misrepresenting Israel’s legal rights. Goldberg believed that the status of Jerusalem had to be negotiated, but he insisted that “Jerusalem was not to be divided again.”
Israel itself may have contributed to confusion about its rights in Jerusalem. The 1993 Oslo Accords formally recognized Jerusalem as a subject for future final status negotiations. Yet that did not mean that Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was prepared to re-divide Jerusalem. Negotiability was one thing; withdrawal was something else. In his final Knesset address, on Oct. 5, 1995, one month before he was assassinated, Rabin declared: “The borders of the State of Israel, during the permanent solution, will be beyond the lines which existed before the Six-Day War. We will not return to the June 4, 1967 lines.” Rabin spoke the language of Resolution 242. He added that Israel would retain “a united Jerusalem.”
The effort to erode Israel’s rights recognized in Resolution 242 has continued. Over the past few years, the Middle East Quartet suggested to Israel that if it would say that the basis of the negotiations would be the 1967 lines, then Mahmoud Abbas would come back to the negotiations. This strategy didn’t work back then and contradicted Resolution 242.
Ultimately, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry succeeded in restarting negotiations without making the 1967 lines the basis of a final settlement. As Israel engages in the current sensitive talks with the Palestinians, it is imperative that it recall its legal rights, especially to those states who voted for Resolution 242 but now demand that Israel withdraw to the 1967 lines, contrary to what the U.N. originally established.


A quick response to
Why I voted for an academic boycott of Israel


By Carolyn Karcher
December 27, 2013



Michael S. Roth slams the American Studies Assn. for "unfairly singling out Israel" in its vote to boycott that nation's academic institutions; he calls the action an "irresponsible attack on academic freedom."
As a 39-year member of the American Studies Assn. (ASA) and a Jewish American,(WHO IS MORE LEFT-WING, THAN JEWISH) I want to explain why Roth -- whoseOp-Ed was published by The Times Dec. 20 -- is wrong and why I wholeheartedly support the organization's resolution.{This resolution is thoroughly consistent with the ASA’s past resolutions denouncing the war against  ??Iraq (EXPLICITLY SUPPORTING SADDAM HUSSEIN'S MURDER  OF THE SHIITES AND THE KURDS)and expressing solidarity with hotel workers(THESE “SUPPORTERS” WOULD RATHER KEEP THEM AS JANITORS AND MAIDS FOR THE REST OF THEIR LIVES RATHER THAN ADVOCATE INCREASED TRAINING AND THE CHANCE TO RISE THROUGH A CAREER LADDER) and the Occupy movement (WITH ITS HISTORY OF MINOR CRIME AND NARCOTICS ABUSE). I have always been proud of the ASA’s political principles, and I am prouder than ever of its historic vote for justice in Israel and Palestine and for free speech on this issue. THIS IS AN ARTICLE FULL OF UNSUPPORTED AND UNSUPPORTABLE ACCUSATIONS. NOT ONLY IS IT WITHOUT DOCUMENTATION, THERE IS SUFFICIENT DOCUMENTATION TO PROVE THAT EVERY STATEMENT MADE IS IN FACT A LIE.]
The resolution is far from an attack on academic freedom. In fact, it is a proper response to the routine denial of such scholarly freedom to Palestinian students. Having recently returned home from a trip to Israel and Palestine with Interfaith Peace-Builders, during which I was more profoundly shaken than I could ever have imagined by the brutality I saw toward Palestinians,{NOTICE THE ABSENCE OF  PERSONAL EYEWITNESS FIRSTHAND ACCOUNTS AND DEPENDENCE ON RECYCLED THIRDHAND ACCUSATIONS.} I feel more strongly than ever the urgency of taking a stand in solidarity with Palestinians and their beleaguered Israeli allies.
On our first day in Bethlehem, my husband and I met a young man who had received a scholarship from George Mason University in Virginia but was not granted an exit visa by the Israeli authorities. Instead of embarking on a promising journey in academia, this young Palestinian had to resign himself to a job selling souvenirs to tourists. We learned that Palestinian students of all ages endure harassment at military checkpoints, frequent school closures, unprovoked arrests, imprisonment and sometimes death at the hands of trigger-happy soldiers.{ PROOF? DOCUMENTATION? RECYCLED THIRDHAND ACCUSATIONS}
Within Israel proper, schools are segregated and, following the model of the Jim Crow South, the government allocates significantly less funding to Palestinian schools, which are often overcrowded and understaffed. Palestinian university professors IN GAZA rarely receive permission to travel abroad for conferences, those in the West Bank also face difficulties, and international faculty have been prevented from visiting Palestinian universities.{ONLY THOSE WHO GO TO THROW ROCKS AT THE IDF __LIKE PROF SAID} These are the true assaults on academic freedom that the ASA resolution addresses.
Here in the U.S., students and faculty who challenge the dominant view of Israel risk baseless accusations of anti-Semitism, arrest, blacklisting or denial of tenurepromotion or academic positions. There are dozens of known incidents{ NAME  ONE}, and likely hundreds that go unreported.
Last year, members of the New York City Council sent a letter to the president of Brooklyn College threatening to cut the school’s public funding for refusing to cancel a panel on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS). The incident put academic freedom in the national spotlight, withMSNBC host Chris Hayes warning that when politicians "line up to attempt to force an academic institution to cancel an event particularly when some of those politicians ...actually determine the budget of the institution. Think of the precedent being set here."{THE ACTUAL FACTS OF THE INCIDENT ARE SO DIFFERENT THAT MS. KARCHER CAN ONLY BE ACCUSED OF DESPICABLE LIES. THE ACTUAL CIRCUMSTANCES WERE THAT PUBLIC MONEY WAS USED TO SUBSIDIZE A PANEL EXCLUSIVELY DEVOTED TO ATTACKING ISRAEL. FURTHER, PUBLIC FACILITIES WERE  TURNED OVER TO AN OUTSIDE , NON-AFFILIATED GROUP THAT ARBITRARILY EXCLUDED PRO_ISRAEL  STUDENTS BY FALSELY CLAIMING THAT THEY WERE BEING DISRUPTIVE.  AN INDEPENDENT INVESTIGATION FAULTED THE BROOKLYN COLLEGE ADMINISTRATION FOR ALLOWING A SINGLE NONUNIVERSITY PERSON TO THREATEN STUDENTS  WITH ARREST BY THE BROOKLYN COLLEGE POLICE THAT THE VIDEOTAPES SHOWED WERE PEACEFUL AND NONDISRUPTIVE.]
In 2011, the Orange County district attorney charged 11 students at UC Irvine and UC Riverside with "conspiring to disrupt a meeting" for peacefully protesting a talk by Michael Oren, then the Israeli ambassador to the U.S. More than 100 UC Irvine professors stood up for the Irvine 11’s the disruption right to protest.{ HERE THE RECORD IS ALSO CLEAR. THE DISRUPTION WAS PLANNED IN ADVANCE TO PREVENT OREN FROM SPEAKING. DISRUPTION TOOK PLACE AND THE 11 ISLAMIC STUDENTS SHOUTED AND PHYSICALLY TOOK ACTIONS WHICH THREATENED BOTH  THE SPEAKER AND MEMBERS OF THE AUDIENCE.} In a the resident that statement on the case, the ACLU of Southern California wrote: "We are also troubled by the unprecedented nature of the case. We are unaware of any case where the OC DA pressed criminal charges over this type of non-violent student protest, even though similar disruptions { BY THE MSU }have occurred with other{ PRO-ISRAEL} speakers on the very same campus. This raises the question whether the DA may have acted because of the students' message, which would clearly violate the First Amendment."
Thus, far from curtailing academic freedom, the ASA has extended it in new directions by fostering an honest discussion about the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land and the role of the U.S. in enabling it. In a democratic process, the ASA National Council deliberated for a week, revised the final resolution in accordance with suggestions made during the discussion, and submitted it to the entire membership for ratification.
Like most other academic associations, the ASA includes many jewish members. some helped draft the boycott resolution, others served on the national council that unanimously endorsed it, a large number lobbied and voted in favor of it,{WHICH ILLUSTRATES THAT A LARGE NUMBER OF JEWS, ESPECIALLY IN ACADEMIC LIFE ARE MUCH MORE LEFT-WING THAN THEY ARE JEWISH] and a comparable number lobbied and voted against it. It is disturbing that many critics of the resolution label it "anti-Semitic," implying that either all Jewish people take the same position on this matter, which is false, or that some of us are anti-Semitic or self-hating Jews, {UNINFORMED} a deeply troubling accusation.
It is also problematic to claim that speaking out against Israeli government policies is synonymous with attacks on Jews generally. The ASA resolution does not target individuals on the basis of nationality, ethnic group or religion. The ASA resolution targets institutions that are complicit in the violation of Palestinian human rights. According to the boycott guidelines, individual Israeli scholars, students or cultural workers are able to participate in the ASA conference or to give public lectures at campuses, provided they are not expressly serving as representatives or ambassadors of those institutions or of the Israeli government.{ THIS IS DOUBLE TALK}
Opponents like Roth claim that the resolution singles out Israel while sparing countries with worse human rights records. They forget, however, that the U.S. not only gives far more military aid to Israel than to any other country, { NOT TRUE … THE TOTAL GIVEN TO IRAQ ,JORDAN, EGYPT IN SAUDI ARABIA EXCEEDS BY FAR THE AMOUNT GIVEN TO ISRAEL. ALSO, COMPUTE THE COST US FORCES IN SOUTH KOREA AND GERMANY AND THE OIL  SUBSIDY GIVEN TO SAUDI ARABIA]   but has also vetoed all U.N. resolutions in recent memory that condemn Israel's abuses of human rights. The ASA resolution specifically cites the "significant role" the U.S. plays in underwriting Israel's violations of international law.
This resolution is thoroughly consistent with the ASA’s past resolutions denouncing the war against  ??Iraq (EXPLICITLY SUPPORTING SADDAM HUSSEIN'S MURDER  OF THE SHIITES AND THE KURDS)and expressing solidarity with hotel workers(THESE “SUPPORTERS” WOULD RATHER KEEP THEM AS JANITORS AND MAIDS FOR THE REST OF THEIR LIVES RATHER THAN ADVOCATE INCREASED TRAINING AND THE CHANCE TO RISE THROUGH A CAREER LADDER) and the Occupy movement (WITH ITS HISTORY OF MINOR CRIME AND NARCOTICS ABUSE). I have always been proud of the ASA’s political principles, and I am prouder than ever of its historic vote for justice in Israel and Palestine and for free speech on this issue. THIS IS AN ARTICLE FULL OF UNSUPPORTED AND UNSUPPORTABLE ACCUSATIONS. NOT ONLY IS IT WITHOUT DOCUMENTATION, THERE IS SUFFICIENT DOCUMENTATION TO PROVE THAT EVERY STATEMENT MADE IS IN FACT A LIE.]
Carolyn Karcher is a professor emerita of English at Temple University in Philadelphia


ASSESSING KERRY'S PROPOSAL
Yoram Ettinger 1-3-13

The value of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's assessments and proposed peace agreement, which would reduce Israel to a 9-to-15 mile waistline (the pre-1967 lines), in the increasingly raging Middle East, is consistent with Kerry's track record.
Kerry's Syrian track record
Until the eruption of the civil war in Syria, Kerry was a member of a tiny group of U.S. senators -- along with Chuck Hagel and Hillary Clinton -- who believed that President Bashar Assad was a generous, constructive leader, areformer and a man of his word. Kerry was a frequent flyer to Damascus, dining with Assad and his wife at the Naranj restaurant in central Damascus. Following a motorcycle ridewith Assad, he returned to Washington referring to the president as "my dear friend."
In September 2009, Kerry opined that "Syria is an essential player in bringing peace and stability to the region," while Assad was conducting hate-education, repressing his opposition, hosting and arming terrorist outfits like Hezbollah, cozying up to Iran, and facilitating the infiltration of jihadists into Iraq to kill U.S. soldiers. WikiLeaksdisclosed that on February, 2010, Kerry told Qatari leaders that the Golan Heights should be returned to Syria and that a Palestinian capital should be established in east Jerusalem. "We know that for the Palestinians the control of Al-Aqsa mosque and the establishment of their capital in east Jerusalem are not negotiable."
According to the London Telegraph, Kerry was a fierce critic of the Bush administration's hardline against Assad, advocating a policy of engagement -- rather than sanctions -- against terror-sponsoring Syria. In March 2011, Kerry subordinated reality-driven hope to wishful-thinking-driven hope: "My judgment is that Syria will move; Syria will change, as it embraces a legitimate relationship with the United States and the West." However, more than 200,000 deaths and 2 million refugees later, Assad's Syria has certainly changed for the worst. In January 2005, following another meeting with Assad, Kerry said: "This is the moment of opportunity for the Middle East, for the U.S. and for the world. ... I think we found a great deal of areas of mutual interest ... strengthening the relationship between the U.S. and Syria."
On September 3, 2013, Kerry assured his colleagues that "the Syrian opposition has increasingly become more defined by its moderation." However, Assad's opposition consists, mainly, of anti-U.S., Islamic supremacists, Shariah-driven, anti-democracy, the violently intolerant Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaida, whose subversive vision transcends Syria, encompassing the Abode of Islam as a prelude to the grand assault on the Abode of the Infidel.
Kerry and the Palestinian issue
While vital U.S. interests and homeland security are threatened by smothering Middle East sandstorms -- from the Persian Gulf through northwest Africa -- Kerry is preoccupied with the Palestinian tumbleweed sideshow. The latter has been the centerpiece of the Arab talk, but never the Arab walk. Contrary to Kerry's Palestine-firster approach, the Palestinian issue has not been directly or indirectly linked to the Arab Tsunami and has not been thecrux of the Arab-Israeli conflict nor the crown jewel of Arab policymaking.
Kerry's Arab Spring
According to The New York Times, December 21, 2012 Kerry contended that the Arab Street is transitioning toward democracy: "What is happening in the Middle East could be the most important geo-strategic shift since the fall of the Berlin Wall."
On December 7, 2013, the well-intentioned Kerry followed in the footsteps of President Shimon Peres' New Middle East and U.S. President Barack Obama's "in 2013, the world is more stable than it was five years ago." Kerry pressures Israel to accept an agreement with the Palestinians based on the pre-1967 lines, which were defined by dovish former Foreign Minister Abba Eban as the "Auschwitz lines."
Kerry is preoccupied with pressuring Israel, notwithstanding the transformation of the Arab Spring delusion into a reality of an Arab Tsunami, highlighting the 1,400-year-old intra-Muslim and intra-Arab uncertainty, unpredictability, unreliability, instability, fragmentation, violent intolerance and absence of Arab democracy and civil liberties. This reality requires a higher Israeli threshold of security. U.S. pressure comes despite the clear and present danger of a nuclearized apocalyptic Iran, and Islamic terrorism, to Jordan and the pro-U.S. oil-producing Gulf states, as well as the U.S. mainland; despite the transformation of Iraq into an Iranian-dominated global center of Islamic terrorism; regardless of Turkey's support of the transnational, terrorist Moslem Brotherhood; and in defiance of the inherently provisional and fragile nature of Arab regimes, policies and agreements, which are frequently signed on ice and not carved in stone.
Replacing the tectonic, raging, chaotic reality on the Arab Street with his worldview, Kerry said: "Just think of how much more secure Israel would be if it were integrated into regional security architecture and surrounded by newfound partners. ... I ask you to imagine what a two-state solution will mean for Israel, Palestine, Jordan, and the region. Imagine what it would mean for trade and for tourism -- what it would mean for developing technology and talent, and for future generations of Israeli and Palestinian children. Imagine Israel and its neighbors as an economic powerhouse in the region. ... Think of the new markets that would open up and the bridges between people that peace would build. Think of the flood of foreign investment and business opportunities that would come to Israel, and how that will change the lives of everyday people throughout the region. ... We need to believe that peace is possible. ... Israel would also enjoy a normal, peaceful relationship the minute this agreement is signed with 22 Arab nations and 35 Muslim nations -- 57 countries in all. ... It is not beyond our imagination to envision that a new order could be established in the Middle East, in which countries like Jordan, Morocco, Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the GCC states, a newly independent Palestine, and an internationally recognized Jewish State of Israel join together to promote stability and peace. ... "
However, to survive in the conflict-ridden Middle East, Israel must embrace realism -- as costly as it may be -- and reject imagination, wishful thinking and make-believe, as tempting as they may be.

Wednesday, January 1, 2014

Palestinian Refugees – Reality Test By: Yoram Ettinger Published: December 30th, 2013


Ms. Montell,

Some time ago I agreed to take over the dialogue with you from some military Associates since my identity is public and by law, theirs could not be.

Since that time I have faithfully read and distributed Bt'selem reports to the communities  that  evaluate your efforts as being  destructive to Israel as well as being destructive to the Palestinians.

 Personally, I have suggested several positive  activities that Bt'selem could undertake in the West Bank to ease some of the conditions that you complain about…. rather than encouraging the confrontational approach which can only lead to continued hatred and bloodshed.

The attached article is factual. I have every reason to believe (based on my personal contacts) that the current Palestinian authority and Hamas leadership still subscribes to these basic positions.

If you want peace , Bt'selem must address itself to changing this underlying thrust. But 1st you must read and acknowledge the baseline from which the current circumstances emanate.

Hence ,I am sending you this article and hope that you will give it the same thorough reading that your opponents and I give to your materials.


Howard Laitin

Palestinian Refugees – Reality Test

The actual number of the 1948/9 Palestinian refugees was 320,000,
The actual number of the 1948/9 Palestinian refugees was 320,000,
Originally published at The Ettinger Report.
The Root Cause Then and NowAccording to the German Middle East expertFritz Grobba (Men and Powers in the Orient, pp. 194-7, 207-8, Berlin, 1957), the 1948 Palestinian leadership, headed by the Grand Mufti, Haj Amin Al-Husseini, wanted to apply Nazi methods to massacre Jews throughout the Middle East.In1941,the Mufti drafted a proposal requesting that Germany and Italy acknowledge the Arab right to settle "the Jewish problem” in Palestine and the Arab countries in accordance with national and racial Arab interests, similar to the practice employed to solve "the Jewish problem” in Germany and Italy. On Nov. 24, 1947, Acting Chairman of the (Palestinian) Arab Higher Committee, Jamal Al-Husseini, threatened: "Palestine shall be consumed with fire and blood," if the Jews get any part of it.  On April 16, 1948 Jamal Husseini told the UN Security Council: "The representative of the Jewish Agency told us yesterday that they were not the attackers, that the Arabs had begun the fighting. We did not deny this. We told the whole world that we were going to fight.”

On January 9, 2013, Mahmoud Abbas pledged allegiance to the Grand Muftiwho collaborated intimately with the Nazi leadership, especially with Himmler, Hitler's most ruthless right hand man: "On the anniversary of Fatah, we renew the pledge to our fortunate martyrs…. We pledge to continue on the path of the martyrs…. Here we must remember the pioneers – the Grand Mufti of Palestine, Haj Amin Al-Husseini….”
Who Is Responsible? The Chairman of the PLO and the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, admitted that in 1948, "Arab armies forced Palestinians to leave their homes (the PLO's weekly, Filastin A-Thawra, March 1976).”  On May 13, 2008, Al Ayyam, thesecond largest pro-Mahmoud Abbas Palestinian daily, claimed: "[In 1948] the Arab Liberation Army (ALA) told Palestinians to leave their houses and villages, and return a few days later, so the ALA can fulfill its mission.”

The Head of Britain's Middle East Cairo Office, John Troutbeck, reported in June 1949:  "Arab refugees speak with utmost bitterness of Egypt and other Arab states.  They know who their enemies are. Their Arab brothers persuaded them unnecessarily to leave their homes.” Sir Alan Cunningham, the last British High Commissioner in Palestine, wrote on April 28, 1948 that the total evacuation was urged on the Haifa Arabs from higher Arab quarters. The US Consul General in Haifa telegraphed on April 25, 1948 that "Reportedly, Arab Higher Committee is ordering all Arabs to leave."

The Secretary General of the Arab League, Azzam Pasha told the Lebanese daily, Al Hoda, on June 8, 1951:  "In 1948, we were assured that Palestine's occupation would be a military promenade…. Brotherly advice to Arabs in Palestine was to leave their homes temporarily.” The London Economist wrote on October 2, 1948: "The most potent of the factors [triggering the Arab flight] were the announcements by the Higher Arab Executive, urging the Arabs to quit…. It was clearly intimated that those Arabs who remained in Haifa and accepted Jewish protection would be regarded as renegades….” Syria's Prime Minister, Khaled al-Azam,admitted, in his 1973 memoirs, that "We brought destruction upon the refugees, by calling on them to leave their homes.”

According to the first US Ambassador to Israel, James G. McDonald (My Mission In Israel,Simon and Schuster, NY, 1951, pp.174-6):  "These Arabs… fled from Palestine as the result of mass panic when the wealthy Arabs, almost to a man, began running away in Nov. 1947…. The flight was provoked by lurid tales of Jewish sadism issued by the Mufti and his followers… Superstitious and uneducated, the Arab masses succumbed to the panic and fled… The refugees were on [Arab leaders'] hands as the result of a war, which they had begun and lost….”

How Many Refugees? The Regional Context While the actual number of the 1948/9 Palestinian refugees was 320,000,  Dr. Yoel Guzansky writes that about one third of Syria's 23 million population have recently lost their homes, and over two million (and growing ) have found refuge in neighboring Arab countries. 1.2 million refugees are in Jordan, intensifying domestic instability; 800,000  (Sunni Muslims) fled to Lebanon, aggravating Shite-Sunni sectarian terrorism and constituting an existential threat; 700,000 are in Turkey, 250,000 in Iraq and 125,000 in Egypt. One million Libyans have fled their country, which has become increasingly violent and unstable since the 2011 toppling and assassination of Kaddafi. Half a million refugees from Ethiopia, Somali, Djibouti and the Sudan have reached Yemen, which is burdened by a similar number of Yemenites, who lost their home due to tribal, religion, ideological and geographic domestic strife. 

IRAN UPDATE… POLITICS TROUBLING AND CONFUSING. MISSILE FUZING, AND GUIDANCE CAPABILITIES ADVANCING RAPIDLY. BREAKOUT DATE SUBJECT OF WH-AGENCY DISPUTE

STAGE TWO OF RAPPROCHEMENT BETWEEN OBAMA AND KHAMEINI,  JOINT MILITARY ACTIONS 

Immediate fruit of this partnership:  Capture of Majid al-Majid, head of the the terrorist organization that bombed the Iranian embassy in Beirut as well as Hezbollah targets in Lebanon.

The real story : US-Iranian alliance, a partnership which will allow the US to essentially withdraw for the Middle East leaving the region’s stability to the gentle ministrations of its new “special relationship,” Iran!  

WATCH THESE:

IRAN has ADVANCED PATRIOT MISSILE TECHNOLOGY Israel is very ANGRY us military worried
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=47sKzbJj1sU

US and Iran's First Joint Military Venture: Fighting al Qaeda in Iraq
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=53yHqyxA4Qg


With the Geneva Nuclear Accord still far from implementation a month after it was signed in Geneva, the United States and Iran are moving into stage two of their rapprochement: They are now fighting together to crush Al Qaeda terror in Iraq, DEBKAfile’s exclusive military sources report.

Iraq is two weeks into a major offensive for cutting al Qaeda down - the first major military challenge the jihadists have faced in the past six years. Three armies are fighting alongside Iraq: the United States, Iran’s Al Qods Brigades officers and Syria.

Their mission is to foil Al Qaeda’s drive to spread its first independent state in the Middle East across the Iraqi-Syrian frontier. Its Iraqi and Syrian branches - ISIS and the Nusra Front - have declared a holy war to this end under their commanders Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi and Abu Mohammed al-Golani.

The Anbar province of Western Iraq is the scene of he fiercest combat close to Iraq’s borders with Syria and Jordan.

To counter Al Qaeda’s superiority in speed and surprise, the US has sent the Iraqi army Hellfire surface-to-air missiles. They are already in use against al Qaeda camps on the Syrian border. Next, Washington is sending out small, long-endurance unmanned aerial ScanEagles. These drones are best suited to combat in Anbar’s deep wadis and the halophyte thickets lining the Euphrates River.

In this topsy-turvy scenario, Washington and Tehran share another surprising motive: to save the Assad regime in Damascus from Al Qaeda’s long arms.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov noted approvingly on Dec. 26: “Attitudes are changing in Western countries; they are becoming more realistic in their approach towards the Syrian crisis. The threat of terrorism in Syria, of jihadists coming to power, of creating a caliphate with extremist laws, these are the main problems.”

Since the Syrian chemical issue was addressed in September, Russian-Iranian-American collaboration is going strong. The joint US-Iranian war on al Qaeda is strengthening Tehran’s grip on Iraq as well Syria. It gives Russian President Vladimir Putin hope for keeping al Qaeda away from the Winter Olympics at Sochi – an ever-present menace as a female suicide bomber, a Dagestan national, demonstrated Sunday, Dec. 29, by blowing up the railway station at the southern Russian city of Volgograd, killing up to a score of people.

The other incentive for US President Barack Obama is the hope of transposing his collaboration with Tehran and Moscow to improve US chances of a reasonable accommodation in the Afghanistan arena.